This poorly doctored photo was the main "evidence" of the Great Shoe Pounding Incident of 1960 |
For
those of us of a certain rare vintage, the image of the Evil Dictator of Communist
Russia, an ugly little man who resembled a pig, pounding his shoe on a
table at the United Nations
confirmed our worst fears that the possibility of a nuclear World War III was in the hands of a crude mad man. And that’s exactly what we were supposed to
think.
According
to most of the almanacs I consult
regularly in preparation of these blog posts, it was October 12 1960 when Nikita Khrushchev, First
Secretary of the Communist Party and Premier of the Soviet Union
threw that famous temper tantrum.
But it turns out that it may have been September 23 or
29, or October 13 during the 902nd
Plenary Meeting of the UN General
Assembly in New York. It may have come in protest to a speech by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan or
remarks by Philippine delegate Lorenzo Sumulong. He was visibly upset by statements of both
men.
He
may have banged his shoe at the podium…or at his seat in the Soviet delegation…or
perhaps not at all.
And
the old man was not really a dictator, as in the single, unquestioned authority
of the nation in the way of Hitler, Stalin, or Third World generalissimos.
How
could we have gotten it so wrong?
The
trouble is, there is no documentation of the event in the official records of
the United Nations. It was not mentioned
in daily press reports of any of the possible dates. No footage could be found in the archives of NBC and CBC, both of which covered the General Assembly regularly and often
broadcast important speeches live. Nor
have any photograph of the episode been found—more on that later.
Fuzzy
accounts of the event have been pieced together from memories and memoirs, many
of which don’t agree.
In
retrospect, it is astonishing that the leader of one of the most powerful
nations on earth came to the major city of his chief rival to sit for hours
daily over a span of weeks for the meeting of the Security Council. And he wasn’t the only one—Macmillan was only
one of the top Western leaders who did
the same, as did a parade of presidents, prime ministers, kings and despots
from lesser nations. If Dwight Eisenhower elected only to
attend briefly to make his annual speech and to consult with world leaders in
private meetings, the United States was
represented at the top level by the Secretary
of State as well as the Cabinet Ambassador
to the world body. It shows how
important the UN was viewed in those distant days.
Most
historians now discount the possibility that the shoe came off in September. He did take to the podium, pounding his
fists, in angry denunciation of Mcmillans’s speech that day. Later an AP
photo of that diatribe would be altered by someone and a shoe inserted into Khrushchev’s fist. It was released and widely
circulated by the media within weeks of the alleged event and not questioned at
the time. Who made the alteration and
how did get to the media? No one seems
to know, but it has all of the earmarks of a classic intelligence service
disinformation operation.
The consensus now is that it was Sumulong’s speech
on October 12 that was the trigger. The Philippine
delegate rose in support of an anti-colonial resolution that had the support of
the Soviets and their allies. The
delegate spoke as a representative of a nation with a colonial past which had
achieved its independence. Of course,
the Philippines, while independent, were known as a staunch ally of their
former colonial master, the United States.
Although the resolution was tailored to the remaining colonial holdings
of the Western powers, Sumulong strayed from the topic at hand to offer a slap
at the Soviet Union, “…It is our view that the declaration proposed by the
Soviet Union should cover the inalienable right to independence not only of the
peoples and territories which yet remain under the rule of Western colonial
Powers, but also of the peoples of Eastern Europe and elsewhere which have been
deprived of the free exercise of their civil and political rights and which
have been swallowed up, so to speak, by the Soviet Union.”
An
enraged Khrushchev was recognized on a point
of order and rushed the podium. He shoved the Philippine diplomat aside and
launched an extended diatribe calling Sumulong a “jerk, a stooge, and a
lackey…a toady of American imperialism” and demanding that he be ruled out of
order. Assembly President Frederick Boland of Ireland did caution the Sumulong to “avoid wandering out into an
argument which is certain to provoke further interventions.” But Sumulong was permitted to continue his speech
and Khrushchev returned to his seat in the Soviet delegation.
At
least one person remembers the Soviet premier as using his shoe at the rostrum
in this confrontation.
But
most agree that it happened after he sat back down. As the Filipino continued to speak, Khrushchev
pounded both fists angrily on his desk, joined obediently by other members of
the Soviet delegation and Eastern Bloc nations. In fact, he pounded so hard that his watch
stopped or flew off of his wrist—not speaking well of quality of Soviet consumer
goods. According to a memoir by Khrushchev’s
daughter Nina, confirmed by interpreter Viktor Sukhodrev who sat next to him,
he looked down and saw his shoe, which he had removed for some reason earlier
and spontaneously picked it up and began pounding the table. He never, as some reports had it, removed the
shoe from his foot, a virtual impossibility in the cramped space of the desk
and given his girth.
Decorum
at the session soon broke down and it was gaveled to adjournment by President
Boland, who was being abused and booed from the Soviet bloc seats.
However,
other accounts do not remember or mention the shoe at all.
To
make matters even more confusing in his own memoirs Khrushchev remembered a
shoe pounding incident but placed it in an entirely different context—a protest
to remarks by a diplomat from Franco’s
Spain. A later published edition,
however, contained a foot note saying that the incident was misremembered.
No
matter what happened, Americans were soon convinced that Khrushchev was an
arch-villain and dictator. In fact,
although he had consolidated considerable power in the party, Khrushchev was
never able to rule alone. He was answerable
to the Presidium of the Party and to
the larger Polit Bureau, each of
which included powerful party rivals who limited his freedom of action.
Moreover,
in the Soviet sense, Khrushchev was a liberal and reformer. Not only had he engineered the ouster of a
real dictator, Joseph Stalin, he had
presided over de-Stalinization of
the party. He had also loosened economic
regulations, liberalized the still restricted freedom of writers and intellectuals
to express themselves, and had been a general break on the most aggressive
military ambitions of hard liners. Western intelligence agencies undoubtedly knew
all of this.
In
fact, four years later Khrushchev was deposed by the hardliners led by Leonid Brezhnev.
But
in order to keep up public support for continued high defense spending and the
proclaimed policy of aggressive containment
of Communism, it was necessary to paint the Soviet leaders in the same
stark terms the county’s late enemies in World
War II.
All
of this should be kept well in mind as one after another leaders of small and
weak nations are portrayed to the American people as, inevitably, Hitlers.
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