The Police Charge at Trafalgar Square on Bloody Sunday. |
There
sure are one hell of a lot of Bloody
Sundays. Could make your head
spin. A Wikipedia Disambiguation page lists 18 between 1873 and 1991 and I
am not sure the list is definitive. The first was a Reconstruction Era race riot in Colfax, Louisiana in
which White Democrats attacked Black Republicans and Militia members trying to defend the
ballot results of an election. Between
50 and 160 Blacks were killed, most executed after surrendering and their bodies dumped in the river. The most recent was
on January 13, 1991 in Vilnius,
Lithuania when Soviet troops opened
fire on civilians protesting rising
prices in newly independent nation. In
between most of the incidents were cases of police, military, or armed
security guards opening fire on protestors.
A handful like a 1939 massacre of civilians at Bydgoszcz, Poland by Nazi Germany were war crimes.
Most
Americans associate Bloody Sunday
with the attack on voting rights
marchers at the Edmund Pettus Bridge
in Selma, Alabama on March 7, 1965
setting the stage for the historic Selma
to Montgomery March on March 21.
They may also recall a Bloody Sunday on January 30, 1972 when British Army Paratroopers opened fire
on unarmed Catholic demonstrators in
Belfast, Northern Ireland leading to
a twenty year-long guerilla war and bombing campaign by the Provisional IRA. It is remembered as much for protest
songs by Paul McCartney, Give Ireland Back to the Iris; John
Lennon, Sunday Bloody Sunday; and
U2’s song of the same name.
The
events in London’s famed Trafalgar Square on November 13, 1887
are virtually unknown to Americans, but this particular Bloody Sunday was pivotal
in British political, class, and labor history and helped shape a
generation of struggle.
Times
were hard in Britain in the 1880’s. Had
been since a crash in 1873 and would continue to be until the turn of the 20th Century. The period is remembered as the Long Depression. There were many contributing causes but
among the most significant was a collapse in agricultural commodity prices that combined with the introduction
of modern farming equipment
displaced rural agricultural laborers and
tenant farmers who with nowhere else
to go flooded the cities. The infusion of
so many unskilled laborers into the cities led to a collapse of wages.
Unemployment skyrocketed and depressed wages led to wide spread want.
Nowhere
was the agricultural depression felt more strongly than in Ireland where despite huge losses in population due to starvation
and disease in the Potato Famine decades earlier and mass emigration
to the United States, Canada, and Australia, continuing consolidation of landed estates forced more peasants
off the land, many of them piling into English cities when they could not
raise fare for new worlds.
Discontent
had been building in the cities where there had been demonstrations of the unemployed and clashes with police for two years. And in rural Ireland there were rent strikes, boycotts, rioting, and
unrest which caused the Coercion Act of
1881 allowed for persons to be imprisoned without trial. The act was introduced by the Liberal Government of William Gladstone and, along with
continued harsh measures in Ireland, led to the abandonment of the radical
wing of the Party. With the old Whigs shattered, the Tories—now officially the Conservatives, swept to power and would
remain in the saddle almost continually through the rest of the century. Their hold was secured by the allocation of
seats in Parliament that still
vastly underrepresented urban and working class districts while preserving
rural safe ridings for the
Conservatives.
The
Conservatives ideologically refused to consider measures of domestic relief or economic
reforms that might have interfered with a free
market. They were also most
interested in the maintenance and extension of the Empire through which the vast wealth
of the world settled into the hands of banks,
corporations, and an entrenched elite
who were thus isolated from the domestic economic crisis.
These
conditions had given rise to new movements including a small but growing socialist movement including the Marxists of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF)
and Socialist League, and the middle class and intellectual Fabian Society of reformist
socialists. Discontented Liberals and
former Liberals had rallied around organizations like the National Secular Society, various free thought movements, and radical
dissenters including the Unitarians.
There
were also organizations of Irish diaspora, increasingly radicalized by the
Coercion Acts. These were galvanized by
the recent arrest of Irish nationalist Member
of Parliament William O’Brien who was imprisoned for incitement as a result of an incident in the Irish Land War. The Irish National League called for a mass
demonstration to demand O’Brien’s release.
The
SDF, led by William Morris, better
known to American viewers of Antiques Road Show as the textile and furniture designer who was the father of the Arts and Crafts Movement, were eager to curry favor with the
burgeoning Irish populations of the London slums
and joined in the call for a demonstration.
They broadened demands to include unemployment relief. They were able to attract fairly significant
numbers of native English workers, many of them members of the struggling trade union movement. The Fabians were not official sponsors,
but most prominent members offered their support, including Irishman George Bernard Shaw, as did some of the
radical Liberals and Freethinkers.
Police and "respectable citizen" detain a stereotypical Irishman. Press coverage was hostile to demonstrators. |
The
march was well publicized in advance.
The Conservative government of Lord
Salisbury vowed not to be intimidated
and assigned infantry companies and
cavalry troops in support of
hundreds of massed Metropolitan Police who
were armed only with their truncheons.
The
flash point would be Trafalgar Square where the working class East End met the upper-class West End of London. On that Sunday afternoon as many as 30,000 “respectable
citizens” ringed the square in hopes of witnessing the suppression of the march
as if it were a spectator sport.
Ironically, although many of the crowd probably hoped to see violence
unleashed against the demonstrators, the presence of so many witnesses caused
authorities to order that troops carry unloaded
weapons and that the cavalry refrain from drawing their sabers.
There would be no repeat of the blood military attacks on Chartist demonstrators 40 years before.
The
march was well organized and coordinated.
Various feeder marches converged on the Square from different points in
the East End. Columns were led by
Morris, fiery trade unionist and SDF leader John Burns, National Secularist League speaker Annie Besant, Scottish radical Liberal MP Robert Cunninghame-Graham, and the socialist feminist Elizabeth Reynolds. Their
prominence is an indication of how much of the leadership of the movement had
slipped from the hands of the Irish nationalist to the socialists and radical.
But
the majority of the marchers, estimated at around 10,000 in numbers were
Irish. And they were plenty mad. By all accounts many had come armed with clubs, iron bars, gas pipes, and knives. They were met with a force of 2,000 police
and 400 troops. As soon as Annie Besant
attempted to address the crowd, she was restrained by police, who despite her insistence
declined to arrest her. But police did
attack other leaders including Burns and Cunninhame-Graham beating both men
badly before dragging them away.
Police
charged the crowd with truncheon’s swinging.
They were met and resisted by many of the armed Irish in a bloody melee
in which dozens on both sides were seriously injured. Perhaps biased press accounts claimed that
the Police suffered greater injuries. Troops surged forward to disperse the
crowd, the cavalry trampling many and some demonstrators were stabbed by bayonets.
Scores were injured and at least two demonstrators, Alfred Linnell, a young clerk and W. B. Curner died later of their wounds.
Burns
and Cunninhame-Graham and other who were arrested were sentenced to seven weeks
in prison. In Parliament most Liberal MPs
supported the Conservative government’s use of force and its refusal to offer
any concessions to the demonstrators.
William Morris's memorial song in pamphlet form. |
One
week later a second protest meeting was broken up by police. Shortly after Linnell, who had not even been
a participant in the march, but an unlucky spectator run down by a cavalry
horse, died. William Morris composed a
memorial hymn which was published and widely disseminated. Morris spoke at a memorial for Linnell
telling thousands assembled that, “It is our business to begin to organize for
the purpose of seeing that such things shall not happen; to try and make this
earth a beautiful and happy place.”
When
the prisoners were released in February an open meeting lead to a breach
between the radical Liberals, secularists, and reformist socialists and the
more radical Marxists. SDF leader Henry Hyndman violently denounced the Liberal party, and singled
out for criticism even radicals like Cunninghame-Graham for being
insufficiently committed to the working class.
It represented a rejection of “respectable” middle class leadership
leading eventually to a new strategy centering on the Trade Union movement and
the creation of a working class led social
democratic Labour Party.
The
British labor and socialist movements would look back on Bloody Sunday as an
almost mythic event in their self-defined origin stories.
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