Note—A Version of this post last
appeared in 2019. Now updated.
Finding
it hard to get into the spirit of the day, Bunky? Are pictures of George and Abe, fly-over panoramas of Mt. Rushmore, your kid’s cherry tree and log cabin school projects
magneted to the refrigerator, mattress
sales, crazy deals on Korean cars,
and all the bunting in the world not
doing it for you this year, eh Bunky?
Can’t erase the fetid stench of corruption, betrayal,
ignorance, racism, and lingering around White House despite a new resident and through disinfectant
makes you want to retch when you hear the word President? You are not
alone, Bunky.
Well,
suck it up! Pull up your big boy/girl
panties! Take a stroll down memory
lane with us today to remember what Presidents
Day is and some of the gents it honors.
And we will play the drinking
game of bests and worsts, knowing the last Occupant
blew all competition for the latter category out of the water.
Presidents
Day is a bastard holiday, born of merchant avarice on one hand and
the despair of parents stuck with
small children at home twice in February.
The
old Federalists made sure that the
nation marked George Washington’s
Birthday. It was to be a patriotic
celebration emphasizing dignity, decorum, and authority. In short, it was to celebrate a Founder as demigod, an old
revolutionary stripped of rabble
and insurrection. The old Republicans—the
Jeffersonians—not to be confused
with the current squatters on than honorable appellation—despised the
celebration as monarchical and
preferred to swarm the streets carrying Liberty
Caps on poles—French style—on
other occasions.
But
Washington deserved the honor. He
invented being President. He served honestly and honorably,
and if he preferred the council of his Secretary of the Treasury Alexander
Hamilton to that of his fellow Virginian
Thomas Jefferson, at least he resisted all of the former’s blandishments toward
aristocracy and his desire to
advance himself as Grand Vizier to
the President’s Caliph. Most importantly Washington earned every accolade
he has received by the simple act of voluntarily
leaving the job and allowing his successor to
peacefully follow him into office.
This precedent setting feat has
seldom been matched in post-revolutionary
nations. That Americans take it for
granted is astonishing.
Later,
most Northern states added Lincoln’s Birthday to their
calendars following the Civil War. It began amid the hagiography of the fallen leader and his elevation to martyr status and continued as a way
for the Grand Army of the Republic
and the new Republican Party to Wave the Bloody Shirt at home while
sticking their collective thumbs in the eyes of their vanquished foes. Across the
old Confederacy Lincoln was reviled
as a murderous tyrant. They preferred to celebrate Jefferson Davis, or better yet the unblemished knight of the Lost Cause, Robert E. Lee.
When
Harry S Truman finally proclaimed
Lincoln’s Birthday a Federal holiday,
his very Confederate mother, then residing with him and Bess at the White House, cursed her son and never forgave him.
So
the nation ended up with two holidays in inconvenient February. If only they had managed to get born at a decently
separated interval of months, both might have been able to retain their own
celebration.
But,
alas, they did not. And the days fell
either inconveniently mid-week or on a weekend. The former disrupted the work week for employers. The latter cheated workers of a paid holiday. Educators
hated the disruption to their pedagogy for two holidays. Parents despaired of rug rats at
home. Merchants yearned for an extended
weekend of sales. So Congress, in its infinite wisdom,
decreed Presidents Day, conveniently set down on a Monday between the actual natal anniversaries of the
original honorees. Whoopee! Three Day Weekend!
Better
yet, none of the rest of the denizens
of the White House need feel slighted—this was going to be their holiday
too. Like a first grade T-ball player spared the sting of
losing by playing a “fun game where no one keeps score,” Rutherford B. Hayes could rest easy in the comforting knowledge
that he was the peer of the Founder
and of the Emancipator. It also silenced
the partisans of Franklin D.
Roosevelt on one hand and Ronald
Reagan on the other, who dreamed of raising their respective heroes to a
loftier pantheon and a place on the
national calendar.
In
the Declaration of Independence,
Thomas Jefferson posited that “All men are created equal…” Unitarian
Universalists treasure our First
Principle—“Respect for the inherit worth and dignity of every person.” Neither of these are assertions of blanket uniformity of talent, capacity, wisdom or Honesty. Nor has there been equality of ability, opportunity, and circumstance
among the occupants of the Presidential chair.
There have been great presidents
and there have been failures. There have been, however, no saints and no pure knaves—until the last one.
A
popular pastime for the holiday is
the annual articles listing the best and worse presidents. By almost universal consensus the two
original February honorees are listed one and two, occasionally swapping spots
followed by Franklin D. Roosevelt, his distant cousin Theodore and either Thomas Jefferson or James Knox Polk (for Manifest
Destiny fans.)
The
classic roster of worsts includes such luminaries as Franklin Pierce, John Tyler,
Millard Fillmore, James Buchanan,
Andrew Johnson, Ulysses S. Grant, and Warren G. Harding .
All
of which begs the question of how more recent Presidents fare. Lately historians
are rating Dwight D. Eisenhower
as a comer, even breaching the top five on a few lists.
During
his occupancy of the office, I boldly suggested that George W. Bush may have done the impossible and
reached the pinnacle of presidential awfulness. He left office
with few fans even in his own party,
who were beginning to hate him not for his unnecessary
wars but for being the champion
spendthrift to that point in history.
Even his staunchest supporters
have pretty much given up the campaign to paint the Shrub as a misunderstood Lincolnesque
figure, boldly pursuing a noble
cause while the ignoble people
doubted. It was simply too ludicrous to
be maintained.
Does
my harsh judgment hold up? Most of the
bottom dwellers on the list got there not for doing bad, but for being lazy, incompetent, drunk or
for not doing anything at all to stave off the long slide to Civil War.
Grant and Harding presided over notoriously corrupt administrations, but neither did lasting harm to the nation or Democracy.
But
the legacy of George W. Bush was far more damaging and longer lasting. He sponsored and presided over unnecessary war, prosecuted that war
with stunning incompetence, nearly destroyed the ground forces of the U.S.
military, proclaimed a doctrine of
preemptive war that left the nation nearly friendless in the world, embraced a policy of torture, systematically attacked the civil liberties of American citizens,
subverted the Constitution by asserting
a new doctrine of the unitary executive, turned a budget surplus into a staggering Federal debt, pursued a policy of
showering the rich with tax breaks and relief from regulation that compounded the class divide in the nation to 19th Century levels, allowed an American city to be virtually destroyed
and abandoned it citizens, attacked the “bright
line” separating Church and State, ignored science
whenever it drew conclusions that threatened his ideological preconceptions, and ignored Global Warming as a tipping point crisis neared. And he exited shoveling money at the bankers who caused the greatest economic disaster since the Great Depression—and managed to make
people think that that was his successor’s
idea. That’s a pretty impressive list.
It surely means that he must at least have a spot alongside the “Northern men of Southern Principles”—Pierce
and Buchanan—whose malfeasance set
the stage for the Civil War.
Despite
all of this, and it is a lot, the Shrub never seemed intrinsically evil. Dim, yes. Often clueless
and way out of his depth. He
generally was trying to do the right thing as he understood it through his religious and political lenses. He was
capable of human empathy and compassion. He was reasonably honest and did not use the office for personal aggrandizement or his private ATM. He did not need to be worshiped and adored 24/7. He expected to
be criticized as a public figure, although the criticism
must frequently have chaffed and did not launch vendettas against a critical
press. He did not obsess over slights and sought to personally humiliate or destroy his
perceived enemies. And he even had enough self-awareness not to always take himself too seriously and could even joke
about his limitations and foibles.
In
other words, Bush was the opposite of the narcissistic
sociopath later sitting in the Oval Office in front of his golden drapes waiting for his ring and ass to be kissed. On a policy
level that played out with orders and
actions meant to enrich himself and his class; harshly punish the poor, the alien, the other
of every stripe; and indiscriminately insult
the world. Bad policy in Donald Trump’s
case was a direct result of bad
character. That makes him hands down
the worst and most dangerous
President ever.
And
what of the Orange Menace’s predecessor? It is, of course, too early for the
ultimate judgment of history. Barack Obama certainly came into office
at a time of crisis—a boost to any
chances to make one’s
mark. Brilliant men and able men
have served and been forgotten simply because of the relative tranquility of their terms. Faced with almost unprecedented economic disaster and two unpopular wars almost impossible to
easily and safely withdraw from,
Obama soldiered on with dignity and surprising
success given the implacable
opposition of an ideologically driven opposition
in control of Congress. He even
managed to secure the passage of the first major health care reforms since Medicare,
however half-hearted and flawed they may be. And after stunning the world by winning re-election by solid popular and Electoral College majorities he staked out a bold progressive agenda for his second term. Finally giving up on hopes of compromise with
the Republican Congress, he became more daring in shaping the national agenda by executive orders where possible.
But
there is a major fly in the ointment—the
fatal flaw that overwhelms real
achievement and merit. For example Lyndon B. Johnson advanced civil rights and social reforms continuing a New
Deal legacy but was bogged down in a senseless and unpopular war. Richard
Nixon had foreign policy triumphs
like opening relations with China and
presided over the establishment of the Environmental
Protection Agency and the Occupational
Safety and Health Administration but was undone by his own paranoid criminality. Woodrow
Wilson’s international idealism
and reluctant support of women’s suffrage was matched
by unprecedented domestic repression
of labor and socialists and by the introduction of Jim Crow segregation into the Federal
Government. Andrew Jackson may had democratized
American politics, modeled a strong
modern Chief Executive, and boldly clamped down on the nation’s first secession crisis, but his murderous Indian Removal policy, oppression of
the early stirrings of organized labor,
destruction of the economically stabilizing
Second Bank of the United States, and establishment of the spoils system all showed how much
lasting damage a truly ruthless but capable President can do.
Desperate
for a way to extricate ground troops from Iraq
and Iran and to counter the lingering threats of an already largely
smashed and dismantled terrorist enemy, Obama embraced the star chamber secrecy and brutality of a secret war established by the Bush administration which he had once
railed against. And he came to rely on war-at-a-safe distance drone technology
and a policy of targeted assassinations. Not only did the targets include American citizens, more importantly
they were blunt instruments with
plenty of civilian deaths in collateral damage and by simple mistake. Every Pakistani
village hit earned generations of implacable
new enemies sworn to revenge. Far from restoring, as the world hoped after
his first election, American prestige
and respect, those policies further isolated
this country. Further policies of domestic surveillance and coordination
of attacks on the Occupy Movement and other social protests threatened freedom of speech and protest in this country.
On
the other hand, he comes off looking
pretty good by comparison to the petulant would-be dictator who took his job.
Neither
can Joe Biden who is in the third year of what may, or may not, be his
first term be assessed from the prospective of history rather than the fluctuating
circumstances of the news cycle.
He was elected handily in both the popular and Electoral Collage vote by
a deeply divided nation that was mostly sick to death of his predecessor. He immediately faced ludicrous claims of election
fraud and the attempted insurrection at the Capitol on January 6,
2021. He took office amid turmoil and
tried to offer a steady, uniting hand.
Biden
got off to a strong start under the circumstances despite the skepticism of
the progressive wing of his party.
He acted quickly to un-do by executive order many of disastrous
dictates of the previous White House occupant in areas of the environment,
education, labor relations, job safety, voting rights,
medical access and women’s health, and other critical
areas. He appointed the most widely
diverse Cabinet, agency leadership, and White House staff in history
as well as among his judicial nominees.
He acted quickly to mend fences with allies, particularly in
Europe.
Most
critically, he faced the Coronavirus pandemic entering its second year
head on. He promoted basic science
and research and worked to make access to vaccination available to
Americans as quickly as possible at no cost to the inoculated. He succeeded in getting a rare bi-partisan
package through Congress that included sweeping measures to aid
those affected by the economic dislocation. Most Americans received emergency cash
relief, tax breaks, and other benefits. State and local governments received discretionary
funding. As a result of the infusion
of cash the economy began a remarkable recovery and record shattering
unemployment began to recede. A
serious recession, or even a crash, was averted.
Yet
the persistence of the pandemic and new variants, and relentless anti-vaccination
propaganda eroded Biden’s support among a population yearning for a return
to some kind of normalcy. What
should have been his greatest success turned into a political liability
and his public support in the polls sank.
He
also came under attack for his attempts at immigration reform.
Politically
weakened, Biden had to accept a bi-partisan Build America Better package
that stripped provisions most cherished by progress but still pumped
billions into the economy and began to address long ignored crumbling infrastructure. But he was unable to pass the high
priority John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act and the Freedom to
Vote Act even though a Supreme Court decision undercut generations of
voting rights protection. In response,
Republican states have rushed through many new voter suppression initiatives.
The Russian
invasion of Ukraine presented Biden with his first and greatest
international crisis. His experience as
a Cold War liberal in the Senate served him well. He quickly asserted U.S. support of Ukraine,
acted to build a united response among NATO allies, invoked crippling
economic sanctions on Moscow and other actions to internationally
isolate Vladimir Putin, and arm the resilient defenders. He directed billions in military and economic
aid and got Congressional action for more.
But
the disruption to world petroleum supplies by sanctions on Russian
oil as well as the effects of disruptions of delivery of Ukrainian grain
set off a sudden dramatic surge of inflation which Republicans were quick
to blame Biden for. Food and fuel costs
in the US seriously hit middle class pockets and eroded the President’s
political support further. Meanwhile the
dominant Trump wing of the GOP in Congress openly supported Putin
and Russian expansionist ambitions.
When
he was elected, many assumed that Biden would be a one term transitional
president due to his age. But despite
health concerns and a tendency to ramble off the cuff, Biden has signaled his
intention to run for re-election when he is near 90. Some doubt it. But the stance makes him less of a lame duck. So far few Democrats have signaled a serious
intention to challenge him in the primaries if he runs. That may change if there is a health
emergency or some serious age-related gaffe.
Or Biden might announce an intention to retire when it is too late for
most candidates to get up and running giving a leg up to his Vice
President Kamala Harris.
At
any rate, happy Presidents Day to one and all.
Go and buy a mattress. Millard
Fillmore will thank you.
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