The 1972 Democratic Candidate was in the bulls eye of the well oiled Nixon machine. |
The death of former Senator
George McGovern touched a deep emotional response to many of my
generation. At least among my friends. Despite losing the
presidency in the largest Electoral College massacre in history in 1972
a lot of the people I know had some sort of connection to him or his
campaign. Some were youthful volunteers at surprisingly high levels of a
national campaign. Others just pinned their hopes and dreams on the South
Dakota maverick.
My story was a little more
complicated.
It must have been late winter. Maybe
February. A dark, soggy late night. I had been out with friends, probably hitting
the $2 pitchers at Johnny Weise’s saloon
on Lincoln Avenue in Chicago. Probably closed the joint. We usually did. The rest split, but I ended up at my friend Mitch Lieber’s apartment. Probably wanted to round out the buzz with a
little weed. But not too much, because
we were still in a talkative mood.
The topic was politics. Not surprising for a couple of certified
young radicals. But we weren’t talking
about taking it to the man in the streets, we were talking electoral
politics. Democratic Party politics. Not a fashionable topic in our circles.
We were trying to divine who would
get the nomination of the shattered and fractured Democrats for the honor
sacrificing himself to Dick Nixon in
the fall. The party was deeply divided
between liberal and conservative wings, peaceniks and old fashion Cold War hawks. With the primary season just getting underway, there were a surprising
number of volunteers for the suicide mission, most of them Senators.
Among those with their hats in or
near the ring at that early stage were ’68 retread Hubert Humphrey trying desperately to reclaim his liberal credentials
and distance himself from the War in
Vietnam and the long, unpopular shadow of Lyndon Johnson; Alabama
Governor George Wallace, still in the party but on his way to following Strom Thurman’s 1948 Dixiecrat path; Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine, the favorite of conventional
wisdom and the pundocracy;
Senator Eugene McCarthy, still the
hero of a now older cadre of anti-war ideologues and the devil blamed for
splitting the party and dooming Humphrey in ’68 by party pros; Henry
“Scoop” Jackson a/k/a the Senator
from Boeing was the fair haired boy un-reconstructed cold warriors; North
Carolina Governor Terry Sanford, the “I’m not as racist as you think”
standard bearer for the New South; Oklahoma Senator Fred Harris, a folk hero to old fashion Populist/progressives; and George
McGovern of South Dakota, a
reliable liberal in the Senate but not as well known as his competitors, short
on money and seemingly with no base of his own outside his home state.
And that list did not include other, longer shots, favorite sons and symbolic candidates
like House Ways and Means Committee
Chair Wilber Mills, former liberal Republican
Mayor of New York John Lindsey,
Indiana Senator Vance Hartke, Representative
Shirley Chisholm of New York, Representative Patsy Mink of Hawaii, and
Walter Fauntroy, the non-voting
Representative from the District of
Columbia.
I know, it still gives me a headache. But that night we tried to sort them
out. Who would be forced out for lack of
money or backing? Who could get votes in
what primaries? Who could perform in caucus states, and where state conventions were still tightly
controlled by party bosses? Most importantly, who was the second or
even third choice of the supporters and delegates of candidates winnowed out by
the process?
Getting my wind and extemporizing as I went along, I
began to make a case for a Dark Horse
at the convention—George McGovern! For
the Humphrey people he was both not Gene McCarthy and a fellow farmer/labor style prairie liberal. For the
McCarthy people and peace folks, he was a strong anti-war voice in the
Senate. Kennedy loyalists, who tended to support Muskie, would recall that
McGovern was the symbolic choice of bereaved fans of Bobby Kennedy at the ’68 convention. As a senator from South Dakota he could
appeal to the prairie populists and farm state voters. He had strong labor support and connections and, importantly, big city bosses
didn’t hate the mention of his name. To
top it all off his anti-war stance was balanced by his credentials as a certified
World War II hero as an Army Air Force bomber pilot.
It was a boozy, brava performance that impressed me, if
not Mitch. I stumbled into the night
with a new interest in the race, which I would follow closely the rest of the
year.
But I couldn’t talk much about it. Having recently done a turn as General Secretary Treasurer of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), I was officially imbued with
traditional Wobbly disdain for
electoral politics. I was also formally
embracing an anarcho-syndicalist ideology
and had joined the Solidarity Bookstore collective
that managed the anarchist book store on Armitage
Avenue across from Waller High School.
Moreover, I was
on the staff collective of The
Seed, Chicago’s underground newspaper of record. The staff was divided between lifestyle hippies,
serious Marxist-Leninists, more libertarian (as we used the
word then, not in its current right wing connotation) street freak
movement sorts all loosely united in a Wobbly shop. There had also recently been an infusion of radical
feminist women into what had previously been largely a boys club. None of these factions, often at loggerheads
with each other, had any interest in electoral politics and the Democratic
Party in particular.
In other words,
my peers presented a united front of pressure not to give a rat’s ass for
politics and to disdain even voting as “collaborating in your own
oppression.”
But I harbored a dark secret. Since growing up a boy in Cheyenne, Wyoming and inoculated at an
early age with the cockeyed idealism of old Frank Capra movies, the Cowboy
Code, and other propaganda, I had harbored a secret devotion to democracy and a reverence for
voting. I knew I should be ashamed, but
I could not help myself. I was a
registered voter. In fact, I had never
missed an election—national, state, local, primary or general since turning
21. I still got a thrill from stepping
into the voting booth like I had watched my father do. And although it was complicated by my disdain
for
Mayor Daly’s Chicago political
machine, I voted Democratic in state and national elections and for insurgent
or reform Democrats in Cook County when
I could find them. It wasn’t because I
didn’t believe in or seek more revolutionary change, it was that I was willing
to take what I could get in the mean time.
Few of my friends were let in on this dreadful
secret.
I had at least one close friend who supported electoral
action. Fred W. Thompson, my main mentor in the IWW was as devoted to the Socialist Party as he was to the
Wobblies. He knew it was unpopular and
took care to keep his two organizational passions as separate as possible. A wise man, he was willing to put up with the
influx of energetic anarchists who were re-energizing his beloved union. Privately Fred would have loved for me to
consider embarrassing the party of Eugene
V. Debs. But he was circumspect
about it, although I am sure it was through him that I had been approached in
1970 to run for alderman on the SP
ticket—a request that both astonished and alarmed me. I turned them down and in the end the party
abandoned attempts to slate candidates in local races for the first time in
decades.
So I followed the Democratic race closely, if covertly
in the newspapers—I read at least three every day—the Tribune, Sun-Times, and Daily
News. If I was downtown I would pick
up the Defender, the city’s Black daily. I didn’t have a TV in those days, but radio
news was still a great resource. And I
knew a saloon or three where politics was talked, with gusto.
On the Seed,
I advocated for some election coverage besides the usual not-a-dime’s-worth of
difference rants. Without revealing my
hand I got my fellow workers somewhat reluctantly to let me do an article on third party and minor candidates. It was something and I threw myself into it
with some enthusiasm. I tried to arrange
interviews with as many as possible, or at least with party spokespersons.
To Fred Thompson’s dismay, I couldn’t interview a
Socialist Party candidate because the party had fractured and the majority had
become the Social Democrats, USA
which opted out of electoral politics in favor of becoming, essentially, a left
faction of the Democrats. Illinois,
Wisconsin and other state Parties,
bolted and formed a new Socialist Party the following year, but not in time for
this election.
Of all of the left parties, only the Trotskyite Socialist Worker’s Party was
actually on the ballot in Illinois. I interviewed
their vice presidential candidate Andrew Pulley who was from Illinois. Gus
Hall, the Communist Party boss who was making the first of several
runs, would not speak to me. But I knew Ted
Pearson, a reporter for the Daily
Worker from covering various events and press conferences and he
arranged with me to speak with someone in the campaign. I even dug up an actual candidate from the
moribund Socialist Labor Party, a very nice elderly man with a little
goatee whose name escapes me and was astonished to be paid attention to. I suspect I was the only media interview of
his “campaign.” Pacifist Benjamin
Spock assembled the remnants of 1972’s Peace and Freedom Party for a
run on the People’s Party ticket.
I found someone from his campaign, too, although despite his fame he
would run behind the SWP candidate in the popular vote.
I didn’t bother
with who turned out to be the biggest vote getter among the minor parties, John
Schmitz of the new right
wing American Independent Party,
which would later become the party of George Wallace. I also completely overlooked John Hospers, the first standard bearer of the brand new Libertarian
Party who managed to get only 8,000 nationally but become the only minor
party candidate to get an Electoral College vote when a “faithless elector”
abandoned Richard Nixon for him.
Despite working
hard on the article, it was buried deep inside the Seed, probably next to the crab cure ad and attracted no
notice.
Meanwhile as
the campaign unfolded it looked like my McGovern prediction was a good
pick. Only it wasn’t playing out like I
thought. It was not going to be decided
at the convention after multiple ballots.
George was doing just fine out on the hustings in the primaries.
I probably
should have noted that the Senator himself redesigned the Democratic Party’s
process of selecting a candidate. As the
chair of the McGovern Commission he drew up the new party rules after
the 1968 debacle which emphasized the importance of the primaries. Several states joined the relative handful of
primary states. No one understood the
significance better. McGovern knew what
primaries to enter, and which ones to contest.
He also was able to mobilize a huge number of enthusiastic youthful
volunteers to flood those states with door-to-door canvassing. He drew from anti-war activists, students,
and former McCarthy and Kennedy troops.
Frankly, he
caught more traditional campaigns with their pants down. From the beginning he was nipping at the
heels of the presumed front runner Muskie in the Iowa Caucuses and the
first primary in Muskie’s back yard, New Hampshire. But Muskie was only able to barely squeak
by in the Live Free or Die state after a document purporting that he had
slurred French Canadians, a sizable ethnic minority in northern New
England. Another article attacked his
wife for supposedly cursing and drinking on the campaign trail. Muskie went to the door step of the hyper
conservative Manchester Union Leader
to emotionally refute the charges. The
press reported that he broke into tears.
He was tagged as too weak and emotional to be president.
It turned out
later that both of the news stories were manufactured and planted by Nixon’s Dirty
Tricks operation aimed at derailing what the White House conceived as its
toughest competition. So were the exaggerated
stories of Muskie’s tears.
By late April
Muskie’s campaign was derailed and McGovern swept to a convincing victory in Massachusetts.
Two days after that win conservative
columnist Robert Novak picked up another line fed to him by Nixon
operatives, “The people don’t know McGovern is for amnesty, abortion and
legalization of pot.” While Humphrey
forces tried to use this line of attack, it did not stop McGovern from rolling
to victory in Wisconsin, New York, and
Virginia as well as almost all of
the Plains and Western States. Hawk Jackson took his home state of Washington
as well as Missouri, Colorado and Oklahoma, states with substantial defense
industries.
Humphrey was only able to win his home state at the
tier of blue collar, rust belt states of Pennsylvania,
Ohio, and Indiana.
Wallace predictably did well in the Southern states—although
he only won Florida, Alabama, Tennessee,
and North Carolina outright. But before his campaign as stopped by a
would-be assassin’s bullet, Wallace shocked everyone by wining Michigan and Maryland on the basis of a strong showing by resentful working
class whites.
Although Humphrey did have a slight lead in total
voters cast in the primary, McGovern creamed him in the delegate harvest. In fact weeks before the Convention, it was
apparent that McGovern would be the nominee—and that significant factions of
the party were unhappy with the outcome.
I followed it all in excruciating detail.
Around mid-summer I quit the SEED staff. I had been at
logger heads with some of the staff over things like their insistence on
spelling Amerikkka and a general
mocking and condescending attitude to white working people that was bound to
alienate them and not to help bring them into a multi-ethnic and multi-racial
coalition for revolutionary change. I
was also fed up with what would become known as political correctness. The
final straw was when the serious Marxists tried to bowdlerize short stories in a special Fiction Supplement that I edited.
I continue to work on the staff of the IWW’s Industrial
Worker, which paid almost no attention to the elections. I got a job on the second shift at a Schwinn Bicycle framing plant on the West Side.
I missed most of the Convention due to work. McGovern won on the first round. But he decided to let the convention pick his
running mate, a move meant to be an olive branch to his most bitter
opponents. It did not work out
well. 70 individuals were put into
nomination and balloting stretched into the wee hours of the morning before
McGovern’s personal choice, youthful Senator Tomas Eagleton was finally selected.
I was shocked when I got home and turned on the radio. McGovern had to deliver the most important address
of any Presidential campaign, the acceptance
speech which traditionally introduced the candidate to the America public,
after 3 a.m. Central Time. Essentially
no one but confirmed political junkies ever heard it.
Far from uniting the Party at the Convention, many traditional
Democrats and major donors sat out the race and some even endorsed Nixon.
And things went downhill from there. Days after the convention it was reported
that Eagleton had been received electric
shock treatment for major depression and had never revealed it to McGovern
or Party leaders. Initially pledging to
stand by his running mate, after three days of pounding in the press McGovern
dumped him making him look both weak and indecisive. Then six leading Democrats, including some of
his primary foes, flatly turned down offers to join the ticket.
In the end Sargent
Shriver, brother-in-law of John, Bobby, and Teddy Kennedy agreed to
run. Hopeful that a little Kennedy magic
would rub off, McGovern turned to campaigning in earnest.
In one of the most ill advised plans put forth by any
campaign, McGovern was convinced to endorse an income re-distribution scheme
that proposed to send every tax payer or everyone who filed an income tax form
whether they owed taxes or not, a check for $1000 regardless of income, millionaires
was well as paupers. The idea was to
inject a huge amount of disposable income into the economy which would spur purchases
and the sluggish economy. It was a
sitting duck for ridicule.
McGovern was hammered as a radical and socialist and layered
on the existing “amnesty, abortion and acid” tag. Nixon’s dirty trick operatives were working
over time against McGovern. And Nixon
himself executed his famous Southern Strategy
to woo Wallace supporters and finally once and for all break the Democratic
hold on the old Solid South.
Still, McGovern and his legions of devoted young
volunteers soldiered on hoping that America would come to it senses, hoping for
a miracle.
I was hoping for one, too. But not hopeful. In November I cast my ballot at DePaul University’s Alumni Hall gymnasium,
which was right across the street from the four story apartment house where I
lived with my girl friend Cecelia Joseph. I voted in the morning and then headed
to work.
When I got home I was not shocked that Nixon had
won. But I was stunned by the ferocious
breadth of McGovern’s defeat. He had
only managed to carry one state, Massachusetts.
The Electoral College land
slide was even greater than the popular margin.
The final tally was 520 votes for Nixon, 17 for McGovern, and one for
that obscure Libertarian.
It was the most lop sided victory since George Washington was elected
unanimously.
McGovern returned to the Senate for a long and useful
career. He was shunned by later
conventions as the Party strove to erase him from the popular memory. Many of his discouraged volunteers gave up on
politics. A handful however launched
careers and would later help rebuild the Party.
For better or worse, the Democratic Party was made over
into a new kind of party, anti-war by instinct, embracing minority voters to
make up for the hemorrhage of Southern Whites, and socially liberal.
As for me, I did not have much time to nurse my private
wounds. Soon after the election I got my
orders to report for induction. But that, as they say, is another story.
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