Attendees of the NOW founding conference. Betty Friedan, first row, far left. |
Note: Seem to be stuck a day behind this week.
On October 29, 1966 30 charter members gathered in Washington, D.C. to formally launch a
new Civil Rights organization
dedicated to improving the status of women
in all areas of society. In no time at
all National Organization for Women (NOW) was shaking things up and
spearheading a new wave of feminist activism.
The steam seemed to have gone out of
the women’s movement after decades
of struggle finally was rewarded with the adoption of The Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 1920.
Without a clear, unifying focus organizations withered or went off in
different directions. Many assumed that
when women exercised the franchise, other societal reforms would follow
naturally.
Culturally the flappers of the 1920s seemed
to signal a freedom from the cumbersome garments that had restricted the
ability of women to move easily in the world and a daring new sexual
equality. The grim realities of the Depression
years focused attention on other issues, especially unemployment which
as seen as a problem of men who could not support their families. World War II brought women into the
work place as never before, proving that in a wide range of jobs from the
factory floor to the executive suite that they were as capable as men. But at war’s end there was enormous pressure
on women to abandon their new jobs to make way for the waves of returning
veterans. Partly this was to prevent the
post-war joblessness of veterans and that had haunted the immediate years after
World War I.
By the 1950 cultural expectations were pressing
women to conform to a role in an entirely new kind of family—the autonomous
nuclear family of dad, mom and kids with mom at home and without the support of
extended family or community. Even
though more than a quarter of women of age remained in the work force they were
increasingly confined to career ghettos as teachers, nurses, secretaries, and
such with little or no chance of advancement.
Many more women, largely ignored even by activists willing to speak up,
were employed in low level factory work, as waitresses, in retail, and—most
invisible of all—in agriculture. The
existing women’s organizations, while well meaning and often vocal, seemed
incapable of finding a handle on how to deal with the situation.
There were stirrings of discontent. Betty Friedan’s
1963 best selling book The Feminine Mystique is generally regarded
as both manifesto and a launching pad for a second wave of
feminism. But as much of a breakthrough
as it was, it could not have been successful if it did not touch deep wells of
discontent and resentment by women chaffing at their assigned roles in
society. The same year Congress passed
the Equal Pay Act of 1963 which called for
“equal pay for equal work” for women, but left it largely unenforceable and did
not address the problem of low paying job ghettos.
The following year Southern Democrats inserted an
amendment to add a ban on discrimination on account of gender to the Civil Rights Bill of 1964. Although the original sponsor of the
amendment, Chairman of the House Ways
and Means Committee Howard W.
Smith of Virginia did have a long relationship with Alice Paul,
the former militant leader of the National Women’s Party, most Southern
Democrats supported the amendment in hopes it would derail the entire
bill. The strategy failed. With the strong arm twisting of President
Lyndon Johnson, a filibuster in the Senate was broken and the
law passed with Title VII banning sex discrimination in employment intact.
The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) was formed in 1965 to enforce the Civil Rights Act. Aileen Hernandez and Richard Graham fought hard as
commission members to enforce the Title VII prohibition on sex discrimination
but were outvoted 3 to 2 on the critical issue of whether sex segregation in job advertising was permissible. A month later Yale law professor Dr. Pauli
Murray, a member of the President’s Commission on the Status of Women, made an
impassioned public denouncement of the Commissions decision. After reading an
account in the press, Friedan contacted Murray
and they began to explore possibilities for further action.
The first opportunity was the Third National Conference of Commissions on
the Status of Women which met in Washington June 28-30, 1966 and was attended
by both women. Despite the theme of the
Conference, Targets for Action, they
and other women were stymied in an attempt to pass a resolution demanding that
the EEOC carry out its legal mandate to end sex discrimination in employment.
They were told that they had no authority to even put such a resolution
forward. Dissident EEOC commissioners
Hernandez and Graham and Commission attorney Sonia Pressman Fuentes privately told Friedan that there was, “…need
for an organization to speak on behalf of women in the way civil rights groups
had done for Blacks.”
On the evening of June 19 fifteen or
twenty angry women met in Freidan’s hotel room to plot a strategy including Murray, Catherine
Conroy, Inka O’Hanrahan, Rosalind Loring, Mary Eastwood, Dorothy Haener, and Kay Clarenbach. They agreed
that some sort of organization was needed.
Freidan doodled the initial NOW on a napkin. The next day at the formal concluding banquet
for the Conference 28 women sat together.
According to participant Gene
Bower, “Catherine Conroy pulled out a five-dollar bill from her wallet and,
in her usual terse style, invited us to ‘put your money down and sign your
name.’” An infant organization was
launched.
There was
some debate whether NOW would be the National Association of or for
Women. The former would indicate an
organization for women only; the latter would be open to men who agreed with
its aims. It was decided to be inclusive
although only a handful of men, notably Commissioner Graham, were among the 300
or so charter members who signed on before the official founding conference in
October.
Although
only 10 % of that charter membership was able to attend the founding
conference, participants wasted no time getting the new organization up and
running. Freidan was elected President,
Clarenbach Board Chair, Hernandez Executive Vice President with the
responsibility of day-to-day administration, Graham as Vice President and Caroline
Davis Secretary-Treasurer. The
organization entrusted authority to its general membership in Annual Conferences with a Board of 35, including the five
officers empowered to act between Conferences.
Between regular Board meetings the five member Executive Committee would be free to act to carry out decided
policy.
Freidan
drafted a founding Statement of Purpose,
which was intensely debated, but ultimately adopted with mostly cosmetic
changes. It outlined the broad concerns
and aims of the organization in all aspects of affairs that impact women and
avoided becoming a single issue organization.
On a
practical level, the Conformance launched the first initiatives of the new
organization including immediate action on Title VII enforcement efforts and
authorization for a legal committee to take action on behalf of flight
attendants and to challenge so-called protective labor legislation. Task forces were devised to take up these and
other issues.
Describing
the founding Conference Freidan wrote, “We wasted no time on ceremonials or
speeches, gave ourselves barely an hour for lunch and dinner...At times we got
very tired and impatient, but there was always a sense that what we were
deciding was not just for now ‘but for a century...’ We shared a moving moment
of realization that we had now indeed entered history.”
Soon the
rapidly growing organization in addition to pioneering work on workplace
equality was spearheading a renewed drive for the Equal Rights Amendment, demanding the end of restrictions on access
to contraceptives and abortion, pushing for equal opportunity
in academics and sports. NOW saw the
“second wave” of feminism grow into a tidal wave by the end of the decade. Dozens of other organizations, many of them
seeded by NOW or founded by their leaders joined the efforts on specific
issues.
Despite
strains in the movement over militant separatism in the ‘70’s and changes in
society, NOW remains the preeminent voice for women’s rights. Its familiar
round logo is seen on signs at demonstration across the county wherever past
gains are threatened or new ground is to be broken.
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