Lord Dunmore in Highland regalia, |
John Murray, Earl of Dunmore, Royal Governor of the British Colony of Virginia was in deep
trouble that fall in 1775. Despite the
fact that the main theater of the damnable armed
rebellion against King and Parliament was far to the north around
besieged Boston and along the frontier with Canada, angry Virginians had driven him out of his capital at Williamsburg and he had been forced to seek refuge the frigate HMS
Fowey at Yorktown on June
8, 1775. With British forces tied up
elsewhere the Governor Dunmore had about 300 men—Royal Marines, sailor, and a small loyal Guard with which to harass the local rebels with raids to replenish
his dwindling supplies. He had also invited
slaves to abandon their Patriot masters, which only enraged his
opposition further.
Through
it all the House of Burgesses had
continued to meet and maintained the pretence of remaining loyal subjects of the King. Finally
the raids on plantations along the James, York, and Potomac Rivers
caused the legislators to declare
that Dunmore had effectively resigned as
Governor by abandoning his office.
It was a complete refutation of his authority while attempting to retain a
veneer of continued loyalty. Enraged
Dunmore determined to take drastic action.
Murray,
the 4th Earl of Dunmore was a nobleman born
at Taymouth in Scotland in 1730. Despite an
idealistic youthful brush with Jacobinism—at
age 15 he was page to Bonnie Prince Charlie—he was able to
salvage a career because his uncle, the 2nd Earl remained a loyal Hanoverian.
The lad saw the error of his ways and joined the Army at age 20. After inheriting his title and lands in 1756
he married very well to the daughter of the Earl of Galway. The couple
would cement their attachment to the Hanoverians when their eldest daughter
married a younger son of King George III—even
thought it was disallowed and officially annulled under a technicality of the Royal Marriages Act 1772.
Dunmore
rose from the House of Lords to the Privy Council and then to a plumb career as a colonial administrator. In
1770 he was appointed Governor of the
Province on New York. Not long after
he arrived to take up his duties the Royal Governor of Virginia, Norborne Berkeley, Lord Botetourt died. Virginia
was then in political turmoil and threatened by Indian raids on its frontier.
The Crown thought it expeditious to quickly fill the vacancy with a man
already in the New World. Dunmore received the assignment and dutifully
arrived in the Old Dominion in 1771
to take up his duties. It was something
of a promotion, as Virginia was the oldest, largest, and one of the most
populous of all of the colonies.
Lord Dunmore found little peace in the Governor's Palace at Williamsburg. |
Once
at his new post following a popular governor, Dunmore got off on a bad start by
trying to assert control of the government without calling the House of Burgesses for more than a
year. He was finally forced to do so in
March of 1773 to attempt to levy taxes to
raise troops to deal with the rising crisis on the frontier where the Shawnee
and Mingo were harassing and attacking attempted settlers—Daniel Boone lost an adolescent son in the first such attack. Buy the Burgesses, dominated by the Tidewater planters were more interested
in the issues of taxation by the crown and the growing crisis with the Mother Country. They took advantage of gathering in
Williamsburg to establish a Committee of
Correspondence to keep in touch with those in Boston and elsewhere.
That
caused the governor to delay the meeting House.
The Burgesses and other leaders then convened at the Raleigh Tavern to discuss what further
actions to take. Dunmore considered the
meetings an illegal rump but did not
take action against it.
Instead
Dunmore confronted the rising problems on the frontier, where retaliation by
armed settlers, including the murder of the family of the formerly friendly Mingo leader Logan at brought the trans-Allegheny to open war. The governor had long hoped to foster
Virginia’s claims in the west, especially in the Ohio Valley despite the official policies of the Crown restricting
western settlement. In May he was forced to recall the
legislature and ask for permission to conduct a campaign against Ohio Confederacy of the Shawnee, Mingo, and elements of the Cherokee.
Historians
Eric Hinderaker and Peter C. Mancall in At
the Edge of Empire assessed Dunmore’s complicated motives:
He recognized in
the crisis on the Ohio an opportunity to press ahead with his efforts to open
new western lands to occupation and settlement. He had consistently pursued
this aim for several years, even when he acted in opposition to the Crown’s
policy…. Yet he also perceived that the western campaign could be a way to lead
a popular initiative that might distract Virginia’s populace from the escalating
crisis taking shape in Boston and other northern ports. Instead of supporting
the rebels, Dunmore hoped the denizens of Virginia would rally to his side. In
his mind, war along the Ohio would help to make him a popular leader in the
colony…. Further, Dunmore hoped to use the conflict to secure Virginia’s claim
to the area around Pittsburgh. He could then work to remove the threat of
Indians who opposed colonial expansion in the Ohio Valley and open central
Kentucky…to colonial settlement. This bold initiative left Dunmore vulnerable
to criticism from every side. If it failed, he might be removed from office and
disgraced for his unauthorized actions. But if it succeeded, he might weather
the storm…and emerge a successful leader in a time of dramatic upheaval
Dunmore
personally took to the field at the head of a force of 1,700 men and struck
west from Fort Pitt. Another 800 men under Colonel Andrew Lewis left Camp Union, now Lewisburg, West Virginia, with the two forces to rendezvous at the mouth of the of the Kanawha on the Ohio. Dunmore changed plans and announced his
intention to attach the Shawnee villages along the Scioto River. He sent word
to Lewis, who had picked up more than 200 more frontier militiamen to cross the Ohio into the heart of the Shawnee
territory.
Before
he could cross, Lewis was surprised by warriors under Chief Cornstalk resulting in the daylong Battle of Point Pleasant.
Despite losing more than 75 dead and 145 wounded, Lewis was able to
defeat and repel Cornstock who retreated across the river with the Virginians
in close pursuit. This proved to be the
decisive major battle of the campaign.
Lewis
and Dunmore’s forces entered Ohio and came within 8 miles of converging
trapping Shawnee towns at Pickaway Plains
between them. That forced the
Shawnee leaders to negotiations resulting in the Treaty of Camp Charlotte on October 19, 1774 in which the largest of the
hostile tribes agreed to give up hunting claims south of the Ohio and cease
raiding settlements there. The Mingo
held out until a force under Major
William Crawford attacked their village of Seekunk (Salt Lick Town),
near present Steubenville, Ohio and destroyed it. The Mingo, too, were forced to settle,
although the bitter Logan refused to attend the peace council or put his mark
to a treaty.
What
became known as Lord Dunmore’s War was
over. The Governor marched home to
Williamsburg expecting adulation and triumph.
Instead he found his victory had solved none of his problems.
Before
leaving on his campaign Dunmore had dissolved the House after they voted to
make June 1, 1774 a day of fasting and
prayer. In response the delegates convened
on August 1 as the First Virginia
Convention where they confirmed support of Massachusetts including a pledge of supplies, called for a congress of all the colonies, and banned trade with Britain. They also set up elections to a Second Convention to convene the next
year.
When
the Second Convention met in Richmond
at St. John’s Church in March of
1775 to elect delegates to the First Continental Congress. Dunmore issued an edict against the election, but failed to act to stop the
Convention. Firebrand leader Patrick Henry rose in the assembly to
give some version of the Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death
reconstructed by memory years after the event.
The Convention followed his call to arm the Militia and rally military opposition
to the Governor.
Dunmore’s
response was much the same as General
Gage up in Massachusetts who set out to seize armories at Lexington and Concorde on April 19. The
very next day on April 20 the Governor gave the key to the Williamsburg armory
to Lieutenant Henry Collins,
commander of H.M.S. Magdalen, and ordered him to remove the powder. That night Royal Marines loaded
fifteen half-barrels of powder into
the governor’s personal wagon, transported it down the Quarterpath Road to the James
River and the British warship.
Patrick
Henry used the Gunpowder Incident to
rally the Militia and marched on the capital on May 3, pitching camp just
outside of town. The governor evacuated
his family to the safety of his hunting
lodge, Porto Bello, in nearby York County and defiantly issued an order proclaiming “a certain
Patrick Henry... and a Number of deluded Followers” had organized “an Independent Company... and put
themselves in a Posture of War.”
He
threatened, but did not impose, martial
law likely because he had no means to enforce it. He was soon driven from Williamsburg to Porto Bello. Wounded in the leg during the pursuit,
Dunmore and his family escaped to the safety of the Fowey on June 8.
Over
the summer the Virginians would convene the Third Convention in July which created a Committee of Safety to take over governance in Dunmore’s absence of,
divided Virginia into 16 military
districts, and resolved to raise regular
regiments for the Continental Army.
So
the situation continued with Dunmore unable to conduct any operations except
the harassing raids. Desperate to break
the impasse, on November 7, 1775 he drafted Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation, also known as Lord Dunmore’s Offer of Emancipation.
In it he finally officially declared martial law, declared the
rebels traitors to the Crown—a hanging
offense—and formally offered freedom to “all indentured servants,
Negroes, or others...free that are able and willing to bear arms...”
The
Proclamation was published one week later on November 14. The Virginians, who lived in terror of slave uprisings, were both outraged and
terrified. A predictable effect was that
not only the slaves of Patriots abandoned their masters, but so did those of
previously loyal Planters, driving many into the arms of the rebels. The Militia and local planters quickly
organized slave patrols in an
attempt to intercept any attempted escapees.
The
Virginia
Gazette published the proclamation in full but also virulently
denounced it, as did other newspapers.
It also advised slave—futile because few could read—to “Be not
then...tempted by the proclamation to ruin your selves,” because Dunmore would
simply seize them and sell them in the West
Indies at his own profit.
This
charge was untrue Dunmore who had only 300 men at his disposal really did want
to arm them. Many escapees were
recaptured. Others returned when offered
an amnesty for doing so. But enough
reached the British—between 800 and 2,000—that he was able to arm a force he called
Dunmore’s Ethiopian Regiment which
fought and was badly defeated in the Battle
of Great Bridge in early December 1775.
After that the force was decimated by small pox.
In
1776 Dunmore had to abandon Virginia entirely, sailing away with just 300 of
the slave to whom he had promised freedom.
Most of the rest who had not died were returned to servitude, often
after vicious floggings. A few managed to escape in the confusion of
the times and make their way mostly to Pennsylvania
where they blended into the local free
Black population.
To
add insult to injury, Dunmore’s bitter enemy Patrick Henry was elected first
revolutionary governor of Virginia. The
Lord returned to London where he was hailed a hero. He resumed his seat in the House of Lords and
drew his full salary as Royal Governor until 1783, when Britain recognized
American independence. From 1787 to 1796 he served as Royal Governor of the Bahamas. He then lived in comfortable retirement
in Scotland until his death in 1809.
His
Proclamation has been described by some British
and some American Black history
scholars as a reflection of rising anti-slavery sentiment in Britain. Clearly, it was simply a measure of military necessity. But it did presage further British amnesties,
most importantly General Sir Henry
Clinton’s 1779 Philipsburg
Proclamation, which freed slaves owned by Patriots throughout the rebel
states, even if they did not enlist in the British Army. That created a wave of runaways, estimated to
include 100,000 escapes or escape attempts and led to the creation of several
regiments of new freemen.
By
the end of the war, many were re-enslaved but the British brought 3,000 of them
along with White Tories to Nova Scotia. All in all more slaves were emancipated by
the British during the American Revolution that at any time until the Civil War.
At
least credit Dunmore for starting that.
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