Ida B. Wells, undaunted. |
Note—Yesterday
was the anniversary of the death of Ida B. Wells in Chicago on March 25, 1931
at the age of 68, but her remarkable story deserves to be told even it is a day
late.
The word to describe Ida B.
Wells was fierce. The word more
commonly used, formidable, is entirely inadequate for a life of defiance and struggle that began in slavery during
the Civil War and ended just before the New Deal.
Along the way she was the associate
or opponent—sometimes both the with the same person—of Fredrick Douglas, Susan B. Anthony, Francis Willard, Jane Adams, Booker
T. Washington, W.E.B Dubois, Alice Paul, and Marcus Garvey. She exposed the lynch mobs running rampant in the Jim Crow South, helped found the NAACP and half a dozen other important
organizations, pioneered the Great
Migration from the rural South
to Chicago and other Northern industrial cities and demanded equal voting rights for women
and African-Americans. When she died
it was as if a visceral force of nature
had suddenly vanished.
Wells was born in slavery as the
Civil War was rapidly marching toward the end of servitude on July 16, 1862 on a plantation in Holly Springs, Mississippi. Her parents were among a sort of slave elite, spared
the drudgery of the fields and
by in large the lash. Her father, James Wells, was a master carpenter and her mother, Elizabeth “Lizzie” Warrenton Wells, was
a prized cook. Both were literate and began to teach
their daughter as soon as she was big
enough to hold a book.
After emancipation, James Wells became a known Race Man, a vocal leader
among his people and ambitious for
himself, his family, and his race.
He managed to attend Shaw
University, now Rust College, in
Holly Springs for a while. He was a leading member of the local chapter of
the Loyalty League, a kind of Republican Party auxiliary in support of Reconstruction
and opposed to the Ku Klux Klan. He spoke
for Republican candidates and
his home was a center for political action, but he never himself ran for office.
If the family’s politics were firmly Republican, mother Lizzie made sure that young
Ida was brought up in the firm Christian principles of the Baptist faith.
From the beginning she showed a fierce independence and a quick temper at perceived injustices. Her parents enrolled her at Shaw, but after a
few months was expelled for a sharp exchange with the college president. She was sent to visit her grandmother to cool down while her father tried to mend fences.
Ida’s nurturing and stimulating home
was shattered in 1878 while on that
visit. She got word that her parents and an infant brother were all struck down in a devastating yellow fever epidemic that swept the South.
Orphaned at 16, she resisted
efforts to parcel out five other
younger siblings to relatives. She determined
to keep the family together. Ida took a job teaching in segregated schools, working at a distance from home and coming back on weekends and holidays
while her paternal grandmother cared
for the children. From the beginning she
was outraged that as a Black teacher, her salary was $30 a month, less
than half the pay whites.
After a few years to improve her lot, she moved with most of her siblings to Memphis, Tennessee, the bustling
economic capitol of the Mississippi
Delta, and the home to a large
and sophisticated Black community. By 1883 she was employed by the Shelby County School District in nearby
Woodstock. During the summers she studied at Fisk
University across the state in Nashville
and she also frequent visited family in Mississippi.
So Ida was a veteran train rider. She
knew the conditions of segregation
in the cars well that had taken quick root after the Supreme Court had struck down the Civil Rights Act of 1875 the previous year. That act had banned discrimination on public
accommodations in interstate
commerce—railroads.
On May 4, 1884 Wells was ordered out of her seat by a conductor to make room for a white passenger.
She refused to be relocated
to the smoking parlor and had to be dragged from the train by two or three
men. Almost 50 years before Rosa Parks, Ida would not submit so passively to arrest.
Cartoonist Kate Beaton depicted Ida B. Wells's defining moment on a train in her Hark! A Vagrant. |
Back in Memphis she hired a prominent Black attorney to sue the railroad and wrote about her experience and cause in the Black church newspaper The Living Way. Despite her attorney
being bribed by the railroad to sabotage her case, Wells won a $500 judgment. The state
Supreme Court later overturned the
verdict and ordered her to pay steep
court costs.
But the event made her a hero in the Black community and launched her on a secondary
career as a journalist and crusader.
In addition to The Living Way,
she was hired to contribute articles
to the Evening Star. She was an
outspoken commenter on race issues while continuing to teach.
In 1889 Rev. R. Nightingale of the Beale
Street Baptist Church invited Wells to become co-owner and editor of his anti-segregationist
newspaper, Free Speech and Headlight.
With the end of Reconstruction
and the dawning of the Jim Crow era violence against Blacks to “put them back in their place” was escalating. Wells made a specialty of documenting outrages.
In March of 1892 the three proprietors of the thriving People’s Grocery Store in
Memphis, which was seen as competition
and an affront to white businesses,
were attacked by a mob and dragged
from their store. A crowd from the community gathered to defend the men and three of the white attackers were shot. Thomas
Moss, Calvin McDowell, and Henry Stewart, all personal friends of Wells, were arrested and jailed. A mob
broke into the jail and murdered
the men.
Wells had been out of town at the
time of the attack. But she rushed home and began writing furiously.
Finally, she concluded that
if the leading business people in the
Black community were not safe
from lynching nobody was. Sadly and reluctantly she advised her readers:
There is, therefore, only one thing left to do; save our
money and leave a town which will neither protect our lives and property, nor
give us a fair trial in the courts, but takes us out and murders us in cold
blood when accused by white persons.
Receiving
daily death threats Wells armed herself with a pistol.
Three months after her friends were
lynched a mob attacked and burned the
offices of Free Speech and Headlight.
She took up the cause of exposing and fighting lynch law with a
vengeance and unmatched passion. Speaking to women’s clubs around the country about her documented research on how widespread
it had become, Wells raised enough
money to publish a pamphlet, Southern Horrors: Lynch Laws in All Its
Phases. Later she documented the
atrocities in detail in an even more shocking
book, A Red Record, which made her a celebrity.
Well's classic lynching expose made her famous. |
Ida also breached the taboo topic of sex,
repudiating the popular myth that
many lynching were to protect pure white
womanhood from predatory Black males. She document that most interracial sexual liaisons were not only voluntary, but were initiated
by whites, women as well as men.
Sooner
rather than later she had to take her own
advice. In 1893 she relocated to Chicago, the tip of the spear of the Great
Migration which would fill northern
cities with southern Blacks. She continued to speak out on lynching and
contributed to black newspapers.
But she did not confine herself to the issue of lynching. She had been drawn to the city by the World
Columbian Exposition. She was soon collaborating with Fredrick Douglas in urging a black boycott of the Fair
in protest to discrimination in hiring construction workers and more skilled workers—Blacks were only hired for the most menial tasks and as waiters and porters. She contributed to
the pamphlet, Reasons Why the Colored American Is Not in the World's Columbian
Exposition. More than 20,000
copies were circulated to fair visitors.
Wells launched an extensive speaking
tour which took her to many northern cities and to visits to England to promote her anti-lynching
campaign. She was greeted as a hero in London.
She also met and was impressed by the leading English Suffragettes. While in town
she became embroiled in a bitter public
newspaper exchange with another visiting American reformer, Francis Willard of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union who
asserted that Black were not ready for
or deserving of equality until they gave
up drinking, which she said was epidemic.
Wells, herself a teetotaler, refuted the charges in none too temperate language.
In 1895 Wells married the editor of Chicago’s first major Black newspaper, Chicago Conservator,
Ferdinand L. Barnett. Barnett was
also a lawyer and former Assistant States Attorney. They had met shortly before her departure
from Memphis when Barnett served as her pro
bono attorney in a libel case. She became step mother to his two children and the devoted couple had four more. She continued
here public career but frankly sometimes
had difficulty balancing home
and other commitments.
Mrs. Ida B. Wells-Barnett with her children in 1909. |
Well’s interest in women’s issues was almost as strong as her devotion to her
race. She felt the two causes were not only complimentary, but inseparable. In 1896, Wells founded the National Association of Colored Women,
and also founded the National
Afro-American Council. She also formed the Women’s Era Club, the first
civic organization for Black women which was later renamed for its founder.
The
latter organization brought her into close
collaboration with Jane Adams
and they jointly campaigned against the
segregation of Chicago Public Schools
and on other reforms.
Her frequent lectures on behalf of universal suffrage attracted the attention and admiration
of the aging founder of the movement, Susan
B. Anthony. When Wells had to dial back some of her commitments for a
while after the birth of her second
child, Anthony publicly lamented the
loss.
In 1909
she was one of the prominent leaders
to join with W.E.B Dubois, Mary White
Ovington and others to found the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). However her name was left out of publicity
about the founding and she was one
of the few principle founders not to get a prominent office in the
new organization. Dubois claimed that Wells asked not to be listed, and later corrected the founding story.
Few people, least of all Wells herself who was not one to hide her light under a bushel,
believed the story. There was frankly a kind of rivalry between two of the best
known and most militant black
leaders both of whom had risen to
prominence as journalists and muckrakers. Despite the snub, Wells remained active in the organization and for his part Dubois published her articles in The Crisis.
The always outspoken Wells was not afraid of controversy within the
Black community and movement. She was an
early and outspoken critic of Booker
T. Washington, the figure often held
up by the white establishment as the modest
model of Black leadership for demanding
few concessions from whites and advocating
self-improvement through education.
She also drew the wrath of many black leaders by
praising Marcus Garvey for his
message of economic self-sufficiency for Blacks and was one of the few to publicly defend him when he was accused
of mail fraud in a Federal indictment in 1919. Despite the criticisms, her embrace of Pan-Africanism and particularly the Back to Africa aspects of Garvey’s
movement was limited. She preferred
to live and fight in the United States.
And after Garvey flirted with an
alliance with the Ku Klux Klan in
the early ‘20s so that “each race could
flourish,” she could not stomach
further association with anyone who could ally with lynchers.
But
positions like these limited her
influence among Black leaders who
hoped to mollify white suspicions.
It could crop up even in organizations that she founded. She was once denied a speaking role at a convention
of the National Association of Colored Women because delegates feared her radicalism would result in bad press.
Wells
threw her support to Alice Paul’s
militant faction of the National
American Woman Suffrage Association and with her friend Jane Adams interceded with the conservative national leadership of the organization to approve the giant Women’s Suffrage Parade in Washington
, D.C. on the eve of Woodrow
Wilson’s inaugural in 1913. She marched with a contingent of Black women.
By the
1920s Wells was semi-retired from public life, having given up public lectures
and most organizational duties. She could still be counted on to fire off a fiery article or editorial when an issue
moved her. She mostly dedicated herself to her husband and
family and to meticulous research
for an autobiography she was
writing.
Once in a
while she responded like an old fire horse
to an alarm. In 1930, disgusted that neither major party had any program to relieve the great distress
in the Black community caused by the Great
Depression, she ran as an
independent for a seat in the Illinois General Assembly. She was one of the first Black women in the
country to run for election at that
level. Of course she lost.
When she
died she was still working on her autobiography, Crusade for Justice. A
first edition had been published in 1928, but she was working
on a greatly revised and expanded version, backed by meticulous
research when she died. As one writer put it “the book ends in the middle of a sentence, in the middle of a word.”
Wells was
widely mourned, especially in Chicago.
She was memorialized most obviously in the massive Ida B. Wells Homes, a wall
of high-rise public housing along with mid-rises
and row houses built by the WPA in 1939-41 for the Chicago Housing Authority. Always intended for Blacks from the slums of the South Side, the Homes deteriorated into a gang violence ridden symbol of urban failure and were razed in stages between 2002 and 2011. Most of the residents never new a thing about the woman the buildings were
named for.
Wells’s fame has been surprisingly limited for one so deeply involved in so many
social issues over such a long and
critical time. She mostly gets a footnote mention in histories for her anti-lynching crusades. The academic
guardians of American history, at least as it is presented to impressionable high school and college students, favor far
more moderate voices than that of Ida B. Wells.
Perhaps
they are still a little afraid of her
after all this time. Certainly not
surprising in a country where a third of
the voting age population regards Michelle
Obama as a raging radical and America hater.
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