Think the Trump or any Republican "tax reform" will put money in your pocket and you are not really, really rich? What the hell have you been smoking? |
Well now that all attempts to repeal
and/or replace Obama Care have gone
down in flames in the Senate to
the sputtering outrage of the Cheeto-in-Charge and the kill the poor lobby—Majority Leader Mitch McConnell says it
is now time to move on. Move on to what you may ask. Evidently so-called Tax Reform.
The Grifter-in-Chief has announced a vague bullet-point plan to do the job bigly. In the House both the Ayn Randist sociopaths of the Freedom
caucus and the insufficiently
fascist Speaker Paul Ryan who they deride
have ideas. The Koch Bros and other billionaire
oligarchs are ginning up their lobbyists and calling in their markers on bought
and paid for lawmakers. What all of
these folks have in common are
schemes to slash taxes on corporations and wealthy investors and to shift
the burden to the middle class, working
poor, and even the virtually
indigent. There is a lot of loose talk about making “everyone pay their fair share” which translates to hunting down
waitresses and cab drivers for
their tips, requiring even minimum wage workers to pay “something,” and from the most flinty hearted suggestions for taxing food stamps, free school lunches, and welfare benefits as income.
Democrats
will put up some fight, although
some Blue Dog fiscal conservatives will
go along with some of the upper
income tax cuts blithely ignoring that without
replacement income from somewhere the
whole Federal Government fiscal house of
cards comes tumbling down. Republicans will drum up support for their schemes by swinging a shiny watch before the eyes of blue collar supporters while intoning the words “Tax cut” despite the fact that those folks
would bear the burden of the GOP
pickpocketing scam.
Nobody,
and I mean nobody—not even liberals—likes
paying taxes. Especially income taxes. We are aware
of the need to fund the essential work of government, may
even support wider spending for the public benefit, but when the tax
bite falls on us personally, it hurts.
On August 5, 1861 President Abraham Lincoln signed into
law the first American income tax. It was a provision
of the Revenue Act of 1861. The new tax was 3% on all income above $800 to be, “…levied, collected, and paid,
upon the annual income of every person
residing in the United States, whether such income is derived from any kind of
property, or from any profession,
trade, employment, or vocation carried
on in the United States or elsewhere, or from any other source whatever…”
The same act hiked the tax to 5% on all citizens living outside the country. It was essentially a flat rate tax.
Needless to say, it was unpopular. But the President had few alternatives. He had raised a massive Army, outfitted, and armed it on money that the government didn’t have. And despite the hopes for a quick victory, Lincoln knew that the War to Preserve the Union, as he called
it, was apt to take awhile.
Since the foundation of the Republic the Federal government had been on a strict revenue diet for both philosophic
and practical reasons. The realm
of Federal activity was strictly limited
by the Constitution as it was interpreted at the time. Most governmental
functions fell to the individual
states and local governments.
Federal revenues were limited. Most came either from the Tariff or from sale of government land. But
because of anti-tariff feeling in
the agricultural South, where the plantation elites relied on the importation of cheap
manufactured goods from Europe
and resented protectionist levies that benefited Northern manufacturers, import levies had been slashed in 1841 and lowered again in
1856. Land sales were also on the decline as most Federal land
east of the Mississippi was settled and western sales were slowed by the continuing border wars in Kansas and Indian peril elsewhere. Then, of course, the secession of the Southern states cut Tariff revenue from important ports like Charleston, Savannah, and New
Orleans.
Lincoln was caught in a bind between
soaring costs and plummeting income. Lincoln turned to his Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase for advice. Chase, like other members of Lincoln’s Cabinet, notably Secretary of State William H. Steward, had been Lincoln’s rivals for the Republican presidential
nomination. Unlike Steward, who
entered the job thinking he could be a prime
minister to a weak President but
soon came to respect and admire
Lincoln, Chase always looked down on
the President and frequently was engaged in political sniping and backstabbing. None the less Lincoln had to rely on his judgment and the support he had in financial circles.
Chase dismissed the possibility
of any kind of new Federal tax on property as un-Constitutional. Instead he
proposed borrowing most war funds by issuing bonds, the model
of Albert Gallatin during the War of 1812. He engaged Jay Cooke, a Philadelphia
financier to handle the bonds. Cooke performed
spectacularly with special patriotic
appeals that sold bonds not just to wealthy
investors but to many middle class
citizens. Eventually nearly one
quarter of all Northern families
purchased war bonds. But those bonds
would eventually have to be repaid. To reassure
investors that there would be a revenue
stream capable of repaying the bonds, Chase reluctantly advised the income tax.
Surprisingly, given the fact that there was little way for the government to assess actual income, voluntary
compliance was relatively high,
particularly in the industrial and commercial New England and Eastern
states where both incomes and support of Lincoln’s war aims was
highest. The starting base for payment,
$800, is estimated to be about the equivalent of $18,750 today. When most
Americans were still farmers and
urban
workers, even skilled craftsmen,
earned far less, the tax fell on only a
fraction of families. Even with subsequent hikes and adjustments over the war 10% of families nationally and 15% in the northeast had paid some
income tax by war’s end.
The Revenue Act of 1862, which
also created the office of Commissioner of Internal Revenue, moved
from a flat rate to a modified
“progressive” system that exempted
the first $600, imposed a 3 percent
rate on incomes between $600 and $10,000, and a 5 percent rate on those over $10,000. The first withholding taxes were imposed on Federal employees and on dividends paid by corporations. In addition
the Act also imposed a raft of new or
greatly hiked excises taxes—many of them sin taxes—and fees.
Now freed from pesky Southern Democrats,
Congress also imposed a high new protective tariff, which would continue to be a hallmark of Republican policy for the
next hundred years. Even these measures
were insufficient to the need.
Key to financing the war was the Legal Tender Act of 1862 which authorized the Treasury to issue notes—Greenbacks—that were required to be recognized for the payment
of all debts except redemption of bonds and payment of Tariffs. This departure from traditional hard currency was inherently inflationary, but combined
with other measures kept inflation in the North well below out of control Confederate
rates and well below inflation during future
American wars.
A bonus was that shrewd investors could purchase war bonds with inflated Greenbacks and be repaid later in specie,
which spurred more bond sales. By war’s end, with costs running to an astonishing $2 million per day, income tax
rates had been raised twice more. In the end the income tax had proven to be a reliable and flexible
revenue stream. But although
tolerated as a war time necessity,
there was no public support to continue
the tax.
In the post-war era Harper's Weekly, a reliably Republican popular publication, railed against efforts by Greenback Party and proto-populists to reinstate the Income Tax. |
After reductions in 1868, it was allowed
to expire in 1872. Efforts by Populists and other reformers in the late 19th
Century to resurrect the tax were resisted.
An income tax adopted in 1898 was struck
down by the Supreme Court
because the tax was not levied
proportionally among the states.
It took the 1913 16th Amendment to the Constitution to make the income tax a permanent fixture in the U.S. tax system.
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