Showing posts with label #BlackLivesMatter. Show all posts
Showing posts with label #BlackLivesMatter. Show all posts

Friday, May 29, 2020

Strange Fruit—Murfin Home Confinement Music Festival 2020

Strange Fruit sung by Billie Holiday

We interrupt our Home Confinement Music Festival to take sad and outraged note of another deadly plague—the lynching of Blacks and other people of color due to lives devalued by systematic racism and white privilege.  Yes, the lynchings that Ida B. Wells wrote about 130 years ago, that the NAACP investigated and exposed beginning 100 years ago, and that Billie Holiday sang about 80 years ago are still with us, they just look different.  Most of the time instead of hangman’s nooses or stakes and pyres we now have police violence and white nationalist inspired vigilantism, Instead of a howling mob we can have a single white woman set up a Black man for possible police execution with a feigned hysterical call.

This poster is being sold to raise money for the ACLU's continued responses to police violence and murder;
The same old shit wrapped up in a pretty bow for the 21st Century.  Just ask George Floyd, Breanna Taylor, Amand Aurbry, and Christopher Cooper to name just a few of the most recent victims.


AbelMeeropol cited this photograph of the lynching of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith, August 7, 1930, as inspiring his poem.
Strange Fruit was written in 1937 as a poem by Abel Meeropol, a Jewish poet, writer, teacher, activist and songwriter under his pseudonym Lewis Allan, as a protest against lynchings.  He published the poem under the title Bitter Fruit in The New York Teacher, a Teachers Union magazine.  He had asked others, notably Earl Robinson to set his poems to music, he wrote the music for Strange Fruit himself. Meeropol, his wife Anne, and Black vocalist Laura Duncan performed it at Madison Square Garden rally.

Abel Meeropol wrote the kyric and music for Strange Fruit and first sang with his wife Anne at a Madison Square Garden rally 1939.

Accounts are conflicting on exactly how nightclub chanteuse and band singer Billie Holiday got the song.  We do know that despite fearing to sing it because it might make her a target of racial assault herself, that she first performed in in 1939 at Café Society in Greenwich Village, New York's first integrated nightclub.  She continued to sing the piece, making it a regular part of her live performances with special demands for her performance venues—she would close with it; waiters had to stop all service in advance; the room would be in darkness except for a spotlight on Holiday’s face; and there would be no encore. During the musical introduction to the song, Holiday stood with her eyes closed, as if she were evoking a prayer.
Fearing boycotts Southern record stores and retribution against the affiliates of its CBS Radio Network Holliday’s regular label, Columbia Records, refused to issue a recording and her regular producer John Hammond, usually an outspoken liberal, refused to work on it.  Eventually Milt Gabler, whose Commodore label produced alternative jazz, got one time agreement from Columbia to release a version with Frankie Newton's eight-piece Cafe Society Band on April 20, 1939.


A photographer captured Billie Holiday singing Strange Fruit as she recorded it in 1939
Holiday recorded two major sessions with the one in 1939 and another in 1944. The song was highly regarded; the 1939 recording eventually sold a million copies, in time becoming Holiday’s biggest-selling recording.  She continued to sing it live in all of her appearances for the rest of her troubled life.  She became so identified with the song that she is often credited erroneously as a writer or co-writer.
The song has been covered by others, most notably in a searing performance by Nina SimoneDiana Ross sang it in the 1972 bio pick Lady Sings the Blues

The movie poster for the melodramatic bio-pic Lady Sings the Blues.

The extraordinary honors for Holiday’s masterpiece recording include:  election to the Grammy Hall of Fame in 1978; Best Song of the Century by Time magazine in 1999; one of 50 recordings chosen that in 2002 to add to the National Recording Registry by the Library of Congress; one of the Top 20 Political Songs by The New Statesman in 2010; as the #1 of 100 Songs of the South by The Atlanta Journal-Constitution in 2011; and t was also included in the list of Songs of the Century by the Recording Industry of America and the National Endowment for the Arts.
Once described a “declaration of war” and “the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement,” Strange Fruit horribly relevant yet again.

Wednesday, March 6, 2019

Boston Massacre Looks a Lot Like Black Lives Matter Cases

Blood on the snow in Boston/

Note—You may not have noticed it among headlines over the Resident’s continuing unraveling and of freakish winter weather including snow and arctic blasts across much of the country and deadly tornados in Alabama.  And maybe the national media has simply grown tired of covering what now seems like old news.  This week California prosecutors declined to prosecute two Sacramento police officers who shot an innocent, unarmed Black man in his own back yard in a fusillade of 27 shots.  Stephon Clark, who was holding only his cell phone, was lawfully executed because the trigger happy officers “feared for their live.”  Predictably outraged Black community members have taken to the streets in familiar Black Lives Matter protests.  Those protests have been angry but so far peaceful and thus have been ignored outside California.  This recycled post finds such events eerily echoing an event that was foundational on the road to the American Revolution.
Some parts of the tale of the so-called Boston Massacre, an iconic moment in pre-Revolutionary Colonial history that used to be familiar to any school child echo in today’s world.  All of the ingredients—a rowdy protest boiling spontaneously up from streets where outrage over long time grievances sparked into violence over a trivial incident and was met by either firm and appropriate action by responsible authorities or was a vicious and violent over reaction depending on the political bias of the observer.  And not only was the first victim a Black man who became a symbol of rebellion but his uniformed killers were let off virtually scot free at a trial on the flimsiest and most arcane of grounds.  Sounds like the familiar arc of a police slaying of an unarmed youth, the kind of all-to-common occurrence that has fed the Black Lives Matter movement.
It was a miserable night in Boston in 1770.  What else would you expect on March 5 in the midst of the Little Ice Age which chilled Europe and the Eastern seaboard of North America for nearly two centuries?  A nasty wind whipped across the harbor, a few flakes of snow would sting exposed fresh.  Old snow and ice was pushed up against buildings turning gray with the soot from a few thousand hearth fires.
A lone English soldier, Private Hugh White of the 29th Regiment of Foot had the bad luck to draw sentry duty outside of the Customs House on King’s Street that night.  The building was a symbol of unfair taxation without representation and oppression to the people of the city.  Customs collectors had been harassed for attempting to enforce the unpopular Townsend Duties and for seizing ships of leading merchants like John Hancock for smuggling, a mainstay of the local economy.  So the building needed protection.
The bright red coat of an English private soldier, while colorful, was entirely unsuitable for the harsh New England winter.  Private White undoubtedly shivered in misery.  His life was made worse by the taunting by local toughs, mostly apprentices and day laborers loitering about.  One of them, a wig maker’s apprentice, Edward Garrick mocked a passing British officer, Captain-Lieutenant John Goldfinch, for not paying a bill due his master.  Goldfinch ignored the jeers and in fact had settled his account that very afternoon.  But White scolded Garrick for insulting an officer.  The two exchanged heated words.  White struck Garrick with the butt of his musket. A small crowd gathered and began pelting the soldier with snow and ice balls.  

19 year old bookseller Henry Knox made his bow in the history books by warning besiged Private White and later Captain Preston of the dangerous consequences of opening fire. In five years he would be General Washington's trusted commander of artillery and the man who hauled the heavy artiller from overland from Ft. Ticonderoga  setting the stage for the British evacuation of Boston.  He would later be Washington's Secretary of War.
When White leveled his musket against his taunters, Henry Knox, a corpulent 19 year old bookseller warned him not to shoot because, “if he fire, he must die.”  White refrained from shooting but the crowd on the street grew as church bells rang in alarm.  Someone thought to send to nearby barracks for reinforcements for the now besieged White who had retreated to the steps of the Custom House with the door at his back.
Things were about to go from bad to worse.
Four regiments of troops were sent to Boston in 1768, more than were ever stationed there when its very existence was threatened by possible invasion during the French and Indian Wars, after the Massachusetts House of Representatives petitioned the Crown for relief from the Townsend Duties and circulated letters of other colonial legislatures asking for support in the protest.  The Collector of Customs for the Port of Boston officially asked for troops to protect him after some of his officers were manhandled and abused.
Four regiments were dispatched as a show of force.  That was about 4,000 men plus the wives and children of many of them, officers and enlisted alike, servants, and the inevitable hangers-on to any army.  The city of Boston boasted only 16,000 residents and a few thousand more resided in nearby villages.  Such a large force deployed among so few civilians, most of them hostile to their presence, led to inevitable friction.
Although two of the regiments had been withdrawn, soldiers of the remaining two were involved in a number of incidents over that winter.  In addition to hostility to the policy that dispatched them, minor personal disputes like the Captain’s late payment to a wig maker, irked the population.  So did the inevitable attention to the local girls by the soldiers, which was often returned by lasses enamored of a dashing uniform. 
A serious bone of contention was the employment of off duty soldiers at the rope walk, Boston’s biggest industrial concern and a main employer of unskilled and casual labor.  The soldiers were working for less than locals and costing many of them jobs.  Wives of several soldiers publicly scolded colonists.  That very afternoon one had promised that the troops would wet their bayonets on trouble makers.
Back at the Customs House, White was finally relieved by a corporal and six private soldiers under the personal command of Captain Thomas Preston, the officer of the watch who declined to trust a junior lieutenant with the sensitive assignment.  As they drew close to the Customs House where the angry crowd had grown to over a hundred, Knox again warned the Captain of the awful consequences if his men fired.  Preston reportedly told him, “I am aware of it.”

This 19th Century engraving features the death of Crispus Attucks.  It also seems to show Captain Preston ordering a disciplined volley.
Once at the Customs House Preston had his men load and prime their muskets and form a semi-circle in front of Private White and the door.  They faced a crowd now swollen by further reinforcements, many of them armed with cudgels and brick bats.  In the very front of the mob, just feet away from Captain Preston who took up a position in front of his men, was a dark skinned man named Crispus Attucks.
Not much is known about Attucks, not even whether he was a slave, an escaped slave, or a freeman.  He worked as a sailor on coastal traders and on the docks.  He was described as mulato but was known to have both African and Native American Wampanoag ancestry.  Although there were not many Blacks in Boston, their presence was not that unusual.  They mixed casually and freely with the lowest classes of White Bostonians—the day laborers, indentured servants, and apprentice boys.
As Attucks and the crowd pressed forward, Preston had his men level their muskets but ordered them to hold their fire.  He ordered the mob to disperse.  They responded with taunts of “go ahead and fire.”  Preston said that the troops would not fire “except on his order” and made the point of standing in front of his men’s guns.
From out of the crowd someone hit Private Hugh Montgomery in the arm with a clump of ice or in other accounts he was struck by a cudgel.  Montgomery fell to the ground, although he may simply have lost his footing on the ice, and lost his musket.  He grabbed the gun and scrambled to his feet.  Enraged, he leveled his gun at the nearest man, Attkus and fired yelling “Damn you, fire!” to his fellow soldiers.
Attkus crumpled to the ground mortally wounded.  There was a pause of a few seconds and then a ragged, un-coordinated volley went off from the troops.  The only command Preston gave was a desperate order to cease fire.
Eleven men were hit by fire indicating that some may have been injured by the same round or that some soldiers had time to re-load and fire. In addition to Attuks rope maker Samuel Gray and mariner James Caldwel died on the cobblestones.  Seventeen year old ivory turner apprentice Samuel Maverick standing near the rear of the crowd was struck by a ricocheting fragment and died a few hours later. Patrick Carr, an Irish immigrant died of his wounds two weeks later.
The crowd retreated to near-by streets but continued to grow.  Preston called out the entire regiment for protection and withdrew his squad to the barracks. 

Massachusetts born Acting Governor Thomas Hutchinson tried to calm the angry mob that surrounded the State House.
An angry mob descended on the near-by State House which was ringed with troops for protection.  Massachusetts born Acting Governor Thomas Hutchinson tried to calm the crowd by addressing them from the relative safety of a balcony.  He promised a through and prompt investigation.  After a few hours the crowd drifted away.
Local malcontents, becoming known loosely as Patriots, were quick to use the slaughter to raise a hue and cry against the Townsend Duties and to the onerous virtual military occupation of their city.  Two virtually identical engravings purporting to accurately portray the shooting were rushed to publication.  The most famous, engraved by Paul Revere, the master silver and coppersmith, iron foundry man, bell caster,  and master of all trades, after a drawing by Henry Pelham was published in the Boston Gazette and then re-issued in sometimes hand colored prints which made Revere and the printer a good deal of money.

A hand tinted copy of Paul Revere's famous broadside of the affair on King's Street.  The image was actually cribbed from an early version by Hennry Pelham that appeared in the Boston Gazzett.
With public opinion inflamed, the two regiments in the city were withdrawn to Castle William on an island in the harbor.  Had they not been, “they would probably be destroyed by the people—should it be called rebellion, should it incur the loss of our charter, or be the consequence what it would,” according to Secretary of State Andrew Oliver.  By May General Thomas Gage, in command of all troops in the colonies, decided that the presence of the 29th Regiment was counterproductive to good order, had the regiment removed from Massachusetts entirely.
Meanwhile at the end of March Captain Preston, the men in his rescue squad, Pvt. White and four civilian employees of the Customs House, who some had charged fired out the windows of the building were indicted for murder and manslaughter.
Gov. Hutchinson managed by hook or by crook to delay the start of the trial for nearly a year to let inflamed passions died down.  Patriots took that time to organize the publication of an account of the event,  A Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre, which although banned from circulation in the city, inflamed passions across the Colonies, and even earned sympathy when it was reprinted in London.

Patriot lawyer succesfully took up the defence of Captain Preston, the accused soldiers, and civilian employees of the Customs House.
Despite the delay, it looked like it would be very difficult for Captain Preston and the soldiers to get a fair trial in Massachusetts.  All of the leading local lawyers had refused to take their cases.  John Adams, a leading Patriot, a man with boundless political ambition, and first cousin to rabble-rouser-in-chief Samuel Adams, agreed to take on the case, despite howls of protest from his political allies.
It was a great choice.  Assisted by his cousin Josiah Quincy, another Patriot, and Loyalist Robert Auchmuty he quickly obtained a not guilty verdict in the first trial.  Captain Preston was shown by the testimony of multiple witnesses to have never ordered the troops to fire and to have tried to get them under control.  That was in October.
In November the cases of the enlisted soldiers proved dicer.   They had, after all, fired lethal rounds without orders.  Adam’s pled straight up self-defense.  He told the jury that the men were under attack by the mob, “a motley rabble of saucy boys, negroes, and molattoes, Irish teagues and outlandish jack tars.”  Appealing to the class prejudice of the land-owning pool of eligible jurors, Adams won acquittal on murder charges for all of the defendants, and only two were convicted of manslaughter.
Privates Montgomery and Kilroy still faced the death penalty at the sentencing on December 14, they “prayed the benefit of clergy”, a remnant of Medieval law in which the essentially claimed exemption from punishment on the grounds that they were “clergy” who could read a Bible verse.       The two were branded on the thumb and released.
By the time the civilians were up for trial in December, enthusiasm for continuing the case against them, which was weak and based on the testimony of one servant easily proven to be false, was waning.
Whatever the outcome of the trials, the events of March 5 helped set the stage for the American Revolution.
By the way the term Boston Massacre was not applied to the bloody ruckus until long after the fact.  Like another iconic event,  the so-called Boston Tea Party it got its name during the brief national enthusiasm generated by the 50th  anniversaries of important Revolutionary and pre-revolutionary events.  And like the Tea Party it was soon imbued with a lot of romantic myth and nonsense.              

Monday, July 30, 2018

Revisiting a Favorite Rant—Seriously Now, Get Your Priorities Straight

Cecil, the majestic and photogenic lion in happier days with one of his harem and as a victim of a feckless dentist with a bow.

Note—I have been recycling more posts and skipping days lately, especially since retirement, as I have started work on long-delayed book projects.  This is another one that would ordinarily not see the light of day again as it was pegged to specific news articles.  I rediscovered it, however, and thought that most readers would remember the news stories cited.  Besides, I like the message.  As predicted the original post did rouse some apoplexy and I was un-friended on Facebook by some seething animal lovers.  Hyper-sensitive White guys were also not happy.  One commentator on the original post took pains to complain that Black Lives Matter “only when they are shot by police” and not when Blacks murder each other—a patented accusation that not only misses the point of the movement but is a quick give away to not-so-cleverly hidden racial animus.  I’ve added a lot of people on Facebook since then, and foresee another round of blithering.  Meanwhile, despite years of protest, senseless police violence against Black folk and other people of color continues.

Get the tar pots boiling.  Slash those old pillows, you are going to need plenty of feathers.  There is probably a decorative rail fence over in the neighbor’s yard.  A lot of you will want all of the gear.  A lot of you are seriously going to hate this post and be itching to ride the author on the rail straight out of town and off the internet.

On Wednesday social media erupted with a virtual torrent of posts about Cecil, a particularly majestic African lion who had somehow become an internet celebrity.  The big cat was apparently lured out of a heavily protected Zimbabwe game reserve and killed by a bow hunter on what amounted to a canned hunt.  The killer was quickly identified as a dentist from Minnesota who immediately became the most reviled and despised man on the internet and the object of a howling global virtual lynch mob.  I would guess based on my Facebook page that 80 to 90% of the anguish and outrage came from tender hearted white folk who love animals.

I get it.  I really do.  We love animals from cute kittens to the endangered wildlife now routinely captured on breathtaking film by world class cinematographers for endless cable channel nature series.  We are viscerally affected when we see them suffer.  Hell, Jimmie Kimmel, of all people, was in tears over the death of Cecil on his TV show the other night.

And I am down with protesting needless cruelty and the wanton destruction of trophy hunting, poaching, baiting, and the like.  Got a petition?  I’ll sign.
The meme that caught my attention and got me thinking about this
But as I scrolled down my Facebook news feed through the almost endless posts I noticed something.  Most of the posts were from friends and acquaintances who otherwise never want to get political.  Very nice people who post those kitten videos, pictures of their lunches, humorous memes, lots of family, and a heavy dose of nostalgia.  People who for the last two years in the face of mounting evidence of structural racism and hair trigger police violence against people of color have never been moved to say a word.  People who are annoyed at and bewildered by all of the fuss and are frightened and offended by street protests.  People who become exasperated by the whole thing and finally add a comment that “all lives matter” or who maintain that “those people must have done something wrong.”

If you heart is big enough and your willingness to get involved is strong enough for both Cecil and the parade of dead and maimed Black men, women, and children,  I am not talking to you—and I did recognize quite a few of you. 

I am talking to the rest of you with your moral blinders on and exquisitely refined and limited sympathies.  Let me put it bluntly…Your priorities are fucked up.  And I am here to hold you accountable—a favorite term, after all, conservatives—for enabling racist, state and socially approved violence against people of color by your silence, squeamishness, and cowardice.
Sandra Bland and her violent arrest for apparently being an insufficiently submissive Black woman.  Days later she was dead in a Texas jail.
The death of Cecil came a week after the troubling death of Sandra Bland in a Texas jail.  In some ways it does not matter if she was murdered in custody, or if she was driven by despair to harm herself.  What is explicitly clear by the video captured by the police’s own camera is that in broad daylight a quite respectably dressed Black Woman was stopped for the very minor moving violation of a broken turn signal and within moments was dragged from her car, slammed violently to the pavement, injured, and ultimately arrested and hauled to jail on charges of resisting arrest.  Once in custody authorities did what they could to prevent her from easily communicating with her distant family and threw every obstacle available to her ability to be released on bail.  After her death county authorities rushed to defame her with claims that marijuana had been found in her system. 

Now wind that scenario back to the beginning and imagine a white woman in an identical circumstance, even one who got sassy to the officer.  Who honestly believes that she would not have been sent on her way with a scolding and a traffic ticket?  Maybe the rate of assault and unjustified incarceration by police against Junior League members is so incredibly low by mere happenstance.  Or not.

Yet so many defenders of Cecil could not work up a yawn about Sandra. 

Then body camera video was released of University of Cincinnati Police Officer Raymond Tensing executing Black motorist Samuel Dubose by shooting him at point blank range in the face through his open car window.  Dubose was pulled over for the hideous crime of missing a front license tag and was slow to respond to a request for a driver’s license.  These are not capital crimes.  Neither was stealing cigars, selling individual cigarettes on the street, or a 12 year old playing alone with a toy gun in a park to rattle off just a few of the cases of the last two years.  Fortunately in the most recent case, quite different from most of the others, local authorities moved quickly on the overwhelming evidence.  The University fired the officer and yesterday, just one day after the video was released, the Grand Jury handed down an indictment for first degree murder.  The Prosecutor even sounds serious about vigorously pursuing the case.  We’ll see.

Once again so many Cecil fans could not be bestirred.

My Facebook feed is filled with commentary about those cases and others.  But my feed, which includes many friends who are Black and other people of color, committed social justice activists, and religious leaders, may not much resemble yours.  I hear a variety, even a cacophony of voices—even those of hyper-conservatives, gun enthusiasts, law and order hard liners, and a couple of openly avowed racists who have not de-friended me or been blocked for threatening physical attacks on me and my family.  Everyone should be exposed to a variety of opinions and attitudes.  Are you?  Or do you close yourself to those who challenge a cocoon of safety and invulnerability?

The de facto community on my Facebook feed is not perfect.  But some of us engage in the hard issues brought forth by the Black Lives Matter Movement, wrestle with how to best and most effectively act as white allies against racism, and even, most painfully of all, confront and acknowledge our white privilege and grapple with our own implicit participation in a system designed to promote oppression of minorities.  We are no angles.  Far less are we white saviors.  But at least we are engaged.

Go ahead.  Love Cecil.  Seek justice, even revenge for his brutal death.  But literally for Christ’s sake get your priorities straight and offer the same love and thirst for justice to your Black neighbors. 

End of screed.