Wednesday, May 20, 2026

A Monumental Temple of Books on 5th Avenue

 

The grand and glorious New York Public Library in a hand-tinted linen post card from the early 1930's.

There may be taller buildings.  There may even be more beautiful buildings. There are certainly more profitable uses for prime Manhattan real estate.  But maybe no building in New York City is more justifiably admired and beloved than the Main Branch of the New York Public Library which opened its doors for the first time on this date in 1911 at 5th Avenue and 42nd Street.

It was named the Stephen A. Schwarzman Building in honor of the billionaire banker who pledged $100 million for restoration and repair of the structure.  It hardly put a dent in his personal fortune.  Schwarzman made headlines in 2012 when he compared President Barack Obama’s proposal to raise taxes to “Hitler’s invasion of Poland.”  Luckily, no one outside his immediate family and his billionaire buddy former Mayor Michael Bloomberg ever uses that name for the iconic building. 

Several smaller libraries were consolidated into a new city institution in the late 19th Century. Big gifts from a bequest by former Governor and Democratic Presidential Candidate Samuel J. Tilden and from steel magnate Andrew Carnegieand library patrons made the erection of an imposing building possible.

A rough design of the building was developed by the System’s first Superintendent, Dr. John Shaw Billings.  His vision was the basis for a well-publicized competition among the top architects in the country.  A relatively little-known firm, Carrère and Hastings, won for its Beaux-Arts design.

 


In this 1920's cartoon famous writers are depicted using the Reading Room.  The most recognizable is James Joyce with the dramatic wing on his hat.

Construction began in 1897 and the cornerstone laid in 1902.  It was the largest marble building ever constructed in the United States with walls three feet thick.  It cost a hefty $9 million when that was an almost unimaginable sum.  It took 14 years for master craftsmen, many of them European-trained masons, to complete the building.  It took more than a year just to move in and shelve on miles of bookcases from the collections of the consolidated libraries.

President William Howard Taft joined Governor John Alden Dix and Mayor William Jay Gaynor for the opening ceremonies.

                           
                                        New York Herald coverage of the library dedication.

The library was not only immediately one of the largest in the world, but it was also noted for an efficient system to produce volumes from the vast stacks and deliver them into the hands of patrons within moments.  The first book checked out, a scholarly study of the ethical works of Friedrich Nietzsche and Leo Tolstoy in German was in the hands of the library patron in just 11 minutes.

The most famous feature of the library is the grand and vast Rose Main Reading Room.  Walls are lined with reference books, two rows of large tables accommodate readers, researchers, and students and the room is appointed with crystal chandeliers, brass lamps, and comfortable chairs.  On sunny days the room is flooded with light from a row of large arched windows.  The room has been featured in movies, described in novels, and memorialized in poems by the likes of E. B. White and Lawrence Ferlinghetti.


The Main Reading Room of the Library is an impressive public space with the reverence of a Temple.
 

Almost as famous are the two proud lions which flank the wide stairs to the main entrance.  Original named, Leo Astor and Leo Lenox in honor of two of the library’s principal founders, Mayor Fiorello La Guardia dubbed them Patience and Fortitude during the Great Depression when the great reading rooms were filled with the out-of-work passing the time away in self-improvement and when some of the homeless reportedly found ways to sleep in the stacks.

 


One of the Library's famed pair of guardian lions.

It took until the 1970 for continual acquisitions to fill up the generous space that had been included in the original designs.  In the 1980’s the building was expanded by 125,000 square feet and literally miles of new shelf space by constructing an underground addition below Bryant Park.

Work began in 2007 to clean and restore the begrimed and damaged exterior of the building and remodeling continued inside.  More work with Schwarzman’s—and other donors—money continues to be done.

Meanwhile former Mayor Bloomberg slashed the operating budget of the Library, closed many branches, and reduced hours open to the public.  Money for staff and new acquisitions was cut to the bone. It took years of scholar and public protests and two huge lawsuits to preserve the Library as an institution and complete massive repairs, restoration, and a double decking of Bryant Park underground.  Hundreds of millions had to be raised from wealthy donors, Privat Foundation grants, and begrudgingly given City contributions.  The bulk of the work was completed in 2023, but some is on-going.

Next up--surviving the war on science, freedom of the press and speech, "woke" ideology, and the safety of employees and patrons alike. 

The Man Who Put America in Denim With a Murfin Memoir Growing up in Jeans

   

In high cowboy blue jean splendor for Cheyenne Frontier Days circa 1958 or '59--Tim Murfin, next door neighbor Sharon Niddlekoff, Patrick, and cousin Linda Strom.

Like most American guys, I grew up in my blue jeans, at least after my twin brother and I prevailed upon our mother not to make us go back to school in corduroy slacks and suspenders for-christ-sakes.  We had to have them.  All of our favorite cowboys in the old two reel westerns that played on TV every afternoon wore them and so must we.  We rolled the bottoms up, which was good for mom, because they gave us growing room.  A sturdy pair could last a couple of years.  When they inevitably wore out at the knees, Mom would repair them with iron-on patches.

Mom was too cheap to pay for Levis or Lee Riders.  She generally stocked up on ours with store brands from J.C. Penneys or Montgomery Wards.  Like real Levis, they were stiff and scratchy when new—chapped the hell out of my inner thighs when I walked.  Mom liked that look and at first starched our jeans to preserve it.  Stopping that was an epic battle all its own.  The dye in these off brands ran even more than Levis.  Our Jockey Shorts were the same color of blue as an old church lady’s hair for the first few wearings.  Eventually, however, the jeans settled down to soft comfort and a far lighter hue. Neither of the high schools I attended allowed jeans at school.  But I was out of slacks as soon as possible after school and on weekends.  They were all I took to college, except for one pair of slacks for chapel services and faculty dinners.

From then on, it was all about the jeans.  I will even admit to a pair or two of elephant bells, then flairs and boot cuts before going back to old straight leg jeans like I wore in school.  But now I could buy them by length as well as waist so no more roll-ups.  I settled into a daily uniform of jeans and a chambray work shirt, denim pearl snap, or plaid flannel depending on the season.  So did a lot of other guys. 


 At an IWW CTA fair hike picket in Chicago in 1970--boot cut jeans and a fringed leather hippie sash for flare.

By the time I was in my mid-40s I had teen-age daughters who were all about designer jeans.  I remember the near heart-attack the first time Carolynne demanded a pair of Jordache jeans that cost more than I made in a day.  I grew even more perplexed and outraged when first stone wash, then acid wash, and finally pre-worn complete with rips and tears became teen must-haves. 

It was all about denim in the ’80s.  But fashion was also pressing prices of my work-a-day attire of choice up.  Wranglers, the least expensive of the big three brands got to $40 a pair and house brands only $5 or so less.  To keep my daughters fashionable, I sank to the cheapest jeans of all—no-names from discount houses.  The dye wasn’t really denim blue, it was a sort of purple and the stitching was in white thread instead of gold or blue.  They tended to fall apart after two or three washings, so the $5 investment in a pair was not worth it.

I swallowed hard and began paying the damn $40.  But not for long.  My body was changing—and not for the better.  Jeans made for 20 year olds didn’t fit right anymore and even relaxed fits or embarrassing pairs with elastic waist bands did not entirely solve the problem which was caused by the combination of my expanding waistline, lack of ass, and short, stubby legs.  My funny looking body made up its 6’2” height in a freakishly long torso.  I started wearing pants out not in the knees, but along the seams of the crotch where the material began to pull apart after just a few washings.  After my last pair of $40 jeans bit the dust in this way after only a dozen or so launderings, I had enough.

I gave up my beloved jeans, which were as much a part of my identity and image as my cowboy hats.  But khaki slacks were $15 a pair if you took a pass on Dockers and bought the house brands at Wards or K-Mart.  And they were versatile.  They were fine for everyday wear with just a buttoned sport shirt.  Throw on a dress shirt, tie, and sport coat and they were fine for almost all business and dress up occasions short of a wedding or a funeral.

For my work as a school custodian I got blue work pants to go with my uniform shirts.  The same worked when I began working second jobs as a gas station/convenience store clerk. When I had the part-time job as maintenance at a local mall, I had similar brown twill pants for my tan shirts.

But most of the time it was khakis for many years, a choice made by a lot of other duffers and men who just don’t give a damn anymore.  I never had to match my pants with my shirt or jacket.  Didn’t have to even think about them.  Just pulled ‘em from the closet and put ‘em on until the cuffs frayed or I stained them with some kind of food or drink catastrophe.  Even then they were good a while longer to mow the lawn in or do other dirty work that I couldn’t shirk or avoid.

                                The khaki years.  Reading poetry at a Tree of Life coffee house circa 2016.

I got older yet and began to see men my age still in their jeans.  A lot of them looked good.  They looked comfortable.  Some, the guys with big bellies like mine hanging over the belt and pushing the jeans down past the ass crack, looked ridiculous.  But not as ridiculous as the guys in sweats, cargo pants, and most shorts.  I may have been square, but at least I had my dignity.  Or so I told myself.

Then about ten years ago I found some house brand jeans that looked durable for about what I was paying for my khakis.  I bought a pair on a whim.  They were roomier than what I wore in my younger days but skinny jeans are just for young dudes and hipsters.  The pants were comfortable.  I bought another pair and then another.

Takin' the jeans to the street for a Black Lives Matter march in Crystal Lake.  Daughter Maureen derided these Menard's sale jeans as baggy and droopy for old men.

After I retired from my day job they were about all I wore except for church on Sundays then after a while decided that a sport coat and jeans were as acceptable as a jacket, tie, and khakis.  Since the Coronavirus lock down, I haven’t worn anything else.  But that still makes me more formal than the many guys my age who haven’t been out of sweats or shorts

All of this is a useless, rambling introduction to the true topic—tomorrow is the official birthday of blue jeans as we know them.  On May 20, 1873 Levi Strauss and Jacob Davis obtained a patent on a new style of rugged and durable work pants.


Levi Strauss about the time he was establishing himself in San Francisco. 

Strauss was born to an Ashkenazi Jewish family in Buttenheim, Germany on February 26, 1829.  When he was 16 he accompanied his mother and two sisters to the United States to join two brothers who had an established J. Strauss Brother & Co a successful wholesale dry goods business in New York City.  Young Levi moved quickly to Louisville, Kentucky where he dealt in his brother’s dry goods.

After the Gold Rush of 1849 Levi was selected by the family to open up operations in bustling San Francisco where one sister was already in residence.  He arrived by ship from New York in 1853 with a load of goods from his brothers and set up an emporium he called Levi Strauss & Company.  He resisted the impulse of other would-be merchants to go to the gold fields to find riches in the mines, a decision that ruined most of them.  Instead he was content to collect the gold from the miners by supplying them with hard-to-get-dry goods at steep prices.  With the added cost of transportation by ship and merchandise of all types scarce, Strauss was able to charge all that the market would bear and still thrive.


Employees of Levi Strauss & Company circa 1880--mostly office workers and clerks but three men sitting on or standing by a crate are wearing the company's signature jeans both over and tucked into boots.

His well-established business outlasted the Gold Rush and was soon supplying goods to far flung corners of the rapidly developing West.  A big demand was always for durable trousers that could hold up under the rugged conditions of placer and hard rock mining.  In 1872 a major customer of Straus’s fabric, a tailor named Jacob Davis approached Levi with an idea to reinforce pockets and other points of stress like the bottom of the fly with copper rivets.  The pair entered business together and obtained their patent for “Improvement in Fastening Pocket-Opening.”  They called their product waist overalls, because they eliminated the bib common on a lot of work pants.


 Hard working miners seldom looked this neat in Levi's products as in this advertisement .  Note denim blouse--the ancestor of today's popular jean jackets.

Legend has it that the first pants were made from coarse brown duck fabric.  And some early pairs were made this way.  But the company soon found denim, by tradition dyed blue, was far more durable and was marketing most pairs in that fabric within the first year.  In an early example of trademark branding, the company began to affix a leather tag to the back of the waist band with an illustration of two mules trying to pull a pair of trousers apart.  The illustration of strength helped sell the product, which was ubiquitous among miners and other hard working outdoor laborers in the West by the turn of the 20th Century.


Levi Strauss' trademark and label advertised the rugged strength of the pants.

Some folk believe that Strauss introduced denim to the States, importing his fabric from Nimes, France where it had been produced for centuries.  But Strauss bought his denim from well-established American weavers and dyers who had been producing the cloth for decades for use in overalls and dungarees. 

Many fabrics were commonly used for work pants—home spun, coarse woolens, and Irish laborers introduced mole skin.  Dungarees were among the most common.  They were originally made from Dungi, a durable and heavy cotton fabric first used as sail cloth and imported by the English from India.  Like European denim or jeans, the cloth was commonly dyed with indigo.

As early as the Revolutionary War George Washington specified blue died dungarees as the field uniform of artillerymen who often had to do hard labor moving heavy cannon over muddy ground.


                                                The Master of the Blue Jeans portrayed this beggar boy in a tattered jean jacket circa 1600.

Dungi was similar to, but not identical with denim and jeans, two fabrics which originated in Renaissance Europe.  Jeans were originated in Genoa, Italy in the 17th Century.  The material was a kind of fine wale cotton corduroy which was died blue and became in inexpensive fabric widely used in work garments of the poor.  An unknown artist now known simply as the Master of the Blue Jeans left 14 exquisite paintings of poor people in the easily recognized fabric.

Soon another fabric center, Nimes, was trying to duplicate the cloth that they named after the French pronunciation of Genoa—GĂªnes.  The fabric of Nimes was not identical to the original.  It was coarser and heavier, although nearly identical in color.  Because it was heavier it was popular in work smocks and jackets and was also used as a cover for merchandise lashed to the decks of sailing ships.  Their fabric became known as d’Nimes—literally of Nimes—or denim.

By the early 19 both fabrics were circulating in world trade and manufactures in Britain and the United States began to copy them.  Jeans and denim became interchangeable.

Early American work pants were very loose fitting often held up by one incorporated diagonal strap running from the waist on one side to the opposite shoulder or were bib style.  When no strap or bib was present they were held up by suspenders.  Sailors often wore light cotton pants held up by rope belts.  But belts were uncommon in most men’s pants.

When Levi introduced belt loops to some models of their jeans around the turn of the 20th Century, the pants quickly gained wide acceptance with another group of rugged outdoor workers—cowboys—who found that suspenders often snagged on brush or gear.  Range photos show that the adoption spread quickly.

 Levi Strauss: A History Of American StyleAntiques And The Arts Weekly

                             Rodeo cowgirls in their Levi's.

Real cowboys were used in many of the early two reel western movies and so were blue jeans, rolled up at the bottom to display highly tooled Texas styled boots.  Little boys and little girls across the country saw and wanted the same look.  Soon Levis and other jean companies had a whole new market.  But school officials, churches, and places like theaters often found jeans unacceptably informal and they were banned from those places routinely.  Which helped give the pants the extra allure of forbidden fruit.

Jeans also spread slowly east as they were adopted by more and more factory and construction workers.  Hundreds of thousands of men first encountered them in Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camps during the Great Depression.  During World War II the Army issued loose fitting dungarees as fatigues for stateside duty.  Navy enlisted men eschewed traditional white bell bottoms for a tighter fitting style of jeans for everyday work and battle wear aboard ship.  And women flocking to the defense plants got their own jeans—usually buttoning up the side instead of the front.

CCC Fire Crew | Civilian Conservation Corps in Idaho Collection

                     An Idaho CCC fire fighting crew in blue dungarees.

After the war both sexes took to wearing jeans as weekend wear or for chores like gardening.  When James Dean wore a pair in Rebel Without a Cause, they became the instant uniform of rebellious youth.  Marilyn Monroe did the same thing for tight fitting, shape enhancing jeans for women in The River of No Return.


                                                It turned out that James Dean's jeans made a more enduring fashion statement than his red jacket in Rebel Without a Cause.

In 1973 Levis revolutionized the jeans business by introducing their 501 Jeans which were preshrunk.  It was now possible to buy jeans close to the size you could actually wear—being made of cotton there was still some, although much less, shrinkage.  That also meant you could buy jeans the right length.  Good bye rolled up pant legs.  Other manufactures followed.  Jeans also generally replaced the traditional fly buttons with heavy duty copper zippers.

The first pre-washed jeans and decorated jeans were introduced by retailers in New York City in the mid ‘60s inevitably leading to the era of designer jeans.

1982 #JordacheJeans // Jordache.com

                                                        My jaw dropped at the price of Jordache jeans with embroidered pocket that daughter Carolynne "had to have" in the '80s.

Today, even though their peak popularity in the 1980’s has passed, jeans are still probably the most common leisure and work wear in the United States.  Most people own three or more pair at any time.  And the look has been just as popular in France where the fabric originated and where nearly as many jeans are now sold annually as in the United States.

Kathy and the Old Man in sport coat, jeans, and a new dress hat rocked New Years Eve at Tree of Life in 2025

 

Monday, May 18, 2026

Post Cards from Poor Man’s Telegrams to Souvenir Collectables to Stone Age Text

 

                       
                             A late 19th Century official Post Office post card with decorative images.

Over the vigorous objections of the United States Post Office on May 19, 1898 Congress passed the Private Mailing Card Act allowing private printing companies to produce postcards.  

Privately printed cards first appeared in 1861 under an earlier act and the first card bearing images were copyrighted the same year.

The Post Office had been printing and selling official post cards since 1877 for a penny apiece, less than half of the postage for a First Class letter.  They rapidly become popular with the poor and those who had quick messages and no desire or expectation of privacy. One wag called them “slow telegrams” comparing them to another terse but far more expensive means of communication.  They contributed to the explosion of Post Office business after the Civil War along with innovations like direct business and home delivery in urban areas, and railway mail sorting which slashed delivery times.  Most official postcards were plain with a pre-printed stamp and space for an address on one side with the message written on the reverse.  But the Post Office did offer a limited number of decorated souvenir post cards with engraved decorations on the address side that were proving increasingly popular.

Private companies were allowed to print cards, but regular First Class postage had to be affixed instead of the pre-printed post card rate, a powerful disincentive.  The Post Office was loathe to forgo the advantage this gave them and the growing stream of revenue.  But printersmany of whom were not so coincidently in the newspaper businessgot the ear of Republicans who were in firm control of both Houses of Congress, with their complaints of unfair government competition.  The Post Office never stood a chance.  President William McKinley signed the Act into law.

                A Private Mailing Card authorized by Congress.

There were restrictions.  The private printers could not use the words post card or postal card.  Instead, they had to clearly identify their product with the words Private Mailing Card Messages were not allowed on the address side of the private mailing cards, as indicated by the words “This side is exclusively for the Address,” or slight variations of this phrase. If the front had an image, then a space was left for a message.

The Post Office must have discovered that there was no revenue loss from selling stamps for private cards over their own cards with printed postage because after four years in 1901 Postmaster General Charles Emory Smith voluntarily loosened regulations and allowed printers to use the words Post Card instead of Private Mailing Card and dropped requirement for a fine-print explanation that they were produced under the Private Mailing Card Act.  At the time the sales of souvenir post cards with photos taking up the entire front of the card was booming.  But that eliminated the space for a message, and the Post Office still did not allow anything other than address info on the back.  That rendered these types of cards of zero use for conveying any message other than the implied, “Hey, look where I am.”

It wasn’t until the Universal Postal Union which governed international mail cards produced by governments could have messages on the left half of the address side in 1907.  Congress acted quickly to authorize private printers to do the same.  It ushered in the period known as the Divided Back Era by collectors and set off huge new demand.  There was now space to scrawl “Wish you were here” or “home on the 10 o’clock train next Friday” in the somewhat limited space made available.  Producers ramped up production and images were produced of landmarks in even the sleepiest rural hamlets, hence a glut of shots of muddy main streets, local churches, and Civil War monuments that can be found nearly by the bale at post card collector shows.  The wide variety of images and the improving quality including bright color lithography by German companies for the American market meant this period is also called the Golden Age of Post Cards.


An example of the hyper-local post cards issued by small town printers--an early 20th Century view of the Woodstock, Illinois Presbyterian Church, one of a series featuring every church in town.

That ended when World War I abruptly disrupted the supply of German cards.  Even the best American technology could not match the color printing quality of the European cards and interest in collecting post cards, which had become an extremely popular hobby declined, as did sales.  During the war American printers produced cards with white borders to save ink and were sometimes faced with card stock shortages.  Most of the souvenir cards of this period now included a short description of the front image on the message half side of the back, reducing the available space for writing.

Novelty cards with cartoons and funny sayings also became popular, some becoming iconic like the many versions of a gap-toothed hick kid with a cowlick and the words “Me Worry?” which eventually morphed into Alfred E. Newman of Mad Magazine.  Bathing beauties and cars were other popular themes.   Companies also produced Holiday cards for all occasions and advertising pieces.


                                    The forerunner of Mad Magazine's Alfred E. Newman was featured on several novelty post cards

Ordinary folks could make their own post cards with the introduction of the Real Photo postcards produced using the Kodak postcard camera.  The postcard camera could take a picture and then print a postcard-size negative of the picture, complete with a divided back and place for postage.  These could be sent to Kodak which would print them on glossy photo stock like that used in Brownie snapshots.  They were also used by small town companies for the limited runs needed by the local pharmacy, hotel, or even funeral parlor.  These became so popular other suppliers entered the market, but Kodak continued to dominate this which continued popular well into the 1930s.


Both a souvenir and a novelty picture post card.  Wish you were here....

Commercial post cards got a huge boost in 1931 when Curt Teich & Co. introduced a new process of printing on high quality rag count.  These so-called linen cards had a rich texture and could hold brighter inks and dyes than previous methods.  The result was often almost painting-like with highly saturated colors.  Many were hand tinted from black and white originals.  These cards are now highly prized by collectors.


A hand tinted linen post card of the Wyoming State Capitol building in my old hometown of Cheyenne.  I have a framed copy hanging in my home study.

The linen cards dominated the market until the introduction of photochrome color postcards by Union Oil Co. for sale at its Western gas stations in 1939.  Printed on high glossy stock the public embraced the “more realistic” images, and they almost completely replaced the linen cards by the early 1950s.


This 1960s era glossy souvenir post card of San Francisco has everything--cable car, hills, a pier, the Bay, cargo ship, and Alcatraz in the distance.

Post cards remained popular through most of the rest of the century.  But the introduction of e-mail, cheap digital cameras and eventually cell phones, and social media rendered post cards obsolete as a means of communication.  All of the folks back home can now access dozens of your personal photos, including ubiquitous selfies instantly instead of getting a single post card two days after you already got home. 

As sales shrank, so did the number of companies producing cards and the images available.  Virtually gone now are almost all hyper-local cards.  Each major city or tourist attraction now is represented by a very limited number of stock cards which are harder and harder to find.  They are gone now from most gas stations, restaurant, and hotel racks, drug stores, and are even harder to find at souvenir stands and airports.  Those that are sold are packed in the luggage as cheap souvenirs and seldom mailed.  After all, it costs 40 cents to mail a post card now and almost no one has the right stamp so those that are mailed usually have a regular First Class stamp pasted on them.

                                      

  A contemporary generic Chicago glossy post card, hard to find on disappearing card racks.

Oh, and almost no one collects new ones anymore.

Sunday, May 17, 2026

How Minneapolis Got That Way--The Minneapolis General Strike—Tragedy and Triumph—Part III

 

Teamsters renewed their strike after the Citizen's Alliance reneged on recognizing representation of warehouse men and other inside workers.  Mass picketing and flying squads both resumed, but without the clubs and weapons used in the May street brawls.  Police responded with tear gas and clubs at first.

After the short-lived truce between Teamster Local 574 and the steadfastly anti-union employers’ association, the Citizens Alliance, aggressive picketing to prevent the movement of scab trucks resumed in Minneapolis.  There was no immediate repeat of the epic scale confrontations of the Battle of the Market District on May 21 and the Battle of Deputies Run on May 22, but skirmishes between flying squad pickets and police and Citizen Army escorts were fought on the streets. 

City authorities appealed to Farmer Labor Party Governor Floyd B. Olson to call out the National Guard Olson was in a tough spot.  He earlier had endorsed the strike which began on May 16, but he was distressed by the violent turn it had taken.  He was actively trying to mediate a settlement and had been instrumental in the one-day truce.  Olson agreed to mobilize the Guard but hold them at the ready at their arsenals.  He hoped that the threat of the Guard would spur the radical Trotskyist leadership of the Teamsters to agree to end the strike.

But it was the Citizen Alliance who blinked first.  The Teamster picket system still effectively shut down the city despite every effort to move trucks.  On May 25 the union and bosses reached an agreement on a contract that included union recognition, reinstatement of all strikers, seniority, and a non-discrimination clause. The membership jubilantly approved the contract overwhelmingly and returned to work.

Unfortunately, a hitch soon developed.  The union believed the settlement covered “inside workers”—warehousemen in addition to drivers and loaders.  The Alliance said it did not.  On July 17, the Teamsters walked out again in defense of the warehouse workers.  This time pickets were instructed to go out unarmed of the clubs and pipe lengths they had used during the end of the May walkout.  This was actually just a return to the original policy at the beginning of the strike before a brutal police and thug attack on a flying picket.  The re-enforced police and Citizen Army, of course, were armed with side arms, shot guns, and tear gas.  Governor Olson once again mobilized but did not deploy the Guard.

So far despite all of the violence, police and the Citizen Army had not used firearms.  The leadership of the Citizens Alliance demanded an end to restraint in a meeting with Chief of Police Mike Johannes.  In turn on July 19 Johannes instructed his officers “We’re going to start moving goods.... Don’t take a beating.... You have shotguns and you know how to use them. When we are finished with this convoy there will be other goods to move.... Now get going and do your duty.”


On secret orders of the Citizen's Alliance, Police Chief Mike Johannes prepared to use firearms for the first time against the strikers. On Friday, July 20 a phone tip lured a flying picket squad truck into an ambush.  Another truck pulled in front of the white truck seen center and police opened fire at close range with shotguns.  Two were killed, more than 50 pickets and 17 bystanders were injured in the explosion of police violence.

The plan was to lure strikers with a decoy truck and attack them.  It worked.  On July 20 officers opened fire on a truckload of flying squad pickets trying to intercept the decoy.  An account described the ambush:

In a matter of seconds two of the pickets lay motionless on the floor of the bullet-riddled truck. Other wounded either fell to the street, or tried to crawl out of the death trap as the shooting continued. From all quarters strikers rushed toward the truck to help them, advancing into the gunfire with the courage of lions. Many were felled by police as they stopped to pick up their injured comrades. By this time the cops had gone berserk. They were shooting in all directions, hitting most of their victims in the back as they tried to escape, and often clubbing the wounded after they fell.

Striker Henry Ness, and an unemployed worker, John Belor, lay dead.  At least 50 pickets and 17 bystanders were injured in the orgy of police violence which included shot gun blasts at short range doing often hideous damage.  Workers were shot as they tried to retrieve their wounded brothers and the wounded were shot second or even third times as they lay on the ground.  Police pursued the strikers into side streets as they fled.  Most injuries were in the back.  One eyewitness described one man “stepping on his own intestines, bright and bursting in the street, and another holding his severed arm in his right hand.”

The Citizen’s Alliance jubilantly thought they had broken the back of the strike. The Secretary of the Alliance proclaimed:

Nobody likes to see bloodshed, but I tell you after the police had used their guns on July 20 we felt that the strike was breaking. . . . There are very few men who will stand up in a strike when there is a question of they themselves getting killed.

He was flat-out wrong.  The Organizer, the daily newspaper published from the Teamster strike headquarters declared, “You thought you would shoot Local 574 into oblivion. But you only succeeded in making 574 a battle cry on the lips of every self-respecting working man and working woman in Minneapolis.”

That night 15,000 rallied at headquarters and pickets were back on the streets the next morning.  Union leadership confiscated firearms from many who were ready for a shooting war and warned their pickets not to initiate any confrontation that would invite renewed attack.  An expanded city-wide strike of all transportation related workers was called on July 22, but workers in many industries, organized and unorganized, came out in support.  That included 5,000 members of the Minneapolis Central Council of Workers which represented the unemployed now engaged in New Deal public works projects.  More than a dozen of their members had been injured in the ambush.


The funeral of Teamster striker Henry Ness drew 100,000.

On July 24 100,000 people lined the streets for the funeral procession for Henry Ness.

at the brutality of the police attack, even many middle-class citizens sympathetic to the Citizens Alliance and the repression of the strike began to publicly call for the firing of the Chief of Police and the impeachment of Mayor A. G. Bainbridge.

Defiantly, Chief Johannes inaugurated a new ploy to move produce trucks to the Market District.  He deployed 40 cars each filled with police and scores more officers on foot to escort convoys.  The union allowed them to proceed but shadowed them with their own truckloads of pickets.  The enormous concentration of police manpower meant that only a handful of convoys got through on any given day.  Meanwhile roving pickets intercepted single trucks trying to weave through the city’s neighborhoods in what amounted to a guerilla war of sorts.  Local residents joined in overturning some trucks.  The strike was not greatly weakened by what little trade could move.


On July 26 Farmer Labor Party Governor Floyd B. Olson reluctantly activated National Guard troops he had been holding on stand-by at their armories.  Although he tried to show that they would be used with and "even hand" to control and disarm both sides, Strikers regarded the intervention as a betrayal.

On July 26, Governor Olson felt he could no longer ignore pleas to intervene with troops.  He declared his impartiality and intention to disarm all sides—except of course the police.  More than 4,000 occupied the city, most concentrated in the Market District and downtown area.  Martial law was declared banning both picketing and public assembly of any kind.  Troops began escorting trucks that were issued special permits by authorities, but these permits were supposed to be limited to firms who would break with the Citizen’s Alliance which had reiterated its refusal to “negotiate with communists.”


National Guardsmen displayed and deployed heavy weapons like this water-cooled machine gun and made a show of parading with arms.  Unlike Guard troops deployed in many other strike however, the Minnesota units never opened fire on strikers or assaulted them with bayonets and clubbed rifle butts.

James Cannon and Max Shachtman, the national leadership of the Trotskyist Communist League of America (CLA) to which the local Teamster leadership belonged, were quickly detained and agreed to exile from Minneapolis.  They simply crossed the Mississippi River and set up operations in St. Paul.

Many small firms agreed to Olson’s plan for recognition, but the Citizen’s Alliance remained defiant.  After a few days he began to issue permits to some of their trucks delivering “essential goods.”  In practice in the field permits were soon being issued upon request. 

On July 31 the union answered with some defiance of its own—a rally of more than 25,000 at which Governor Olson and the Guard were roundly denounced.

The next day, August 1 hundreds of troops raided Strike Headquarters and the Central Labor Council Building.  Strike leaders Vincent R. (Ray) Dunne, his brother Miles, local President Bill Brown, Carl Skoglund, and the doctor in charge of the strike dispensary were arrested at gun point and taken to be held at a bullpen along with 68 others.  Even the patients in the clinic were seized and moved to military facilities.


The Guard raided strike headquarters and arrested leaders including Vincent R Dunne, center, and local 574 President Bill Brown, in white cloth cap.

Grant Dunne and Farrell Dobbs eluded capture and secretly met with other members of the Strike Committee of One Hundred.  They decided to continue the strike with decentralized leadership.  After months of struggle many workers were now trained and savvy leaders in their own right.  Workers knew their jobs and what to do.  The strike rolled on unimpeded by the arrest of the leadership.  Nimble pickets picked off scab trucks operating with permits and were gone by the time that troops or police could respond leaving overturned trucks, spilled and spoiled freight, and bruised scabs.

But the arrests did cause widespread outrage.  The still operating strike paper The Organizer appealed for a true official General Strike to which the Central Labor Council was ready to agree.  Although the strike had become virtually general on three occasions no official proclamation had previously been made.

The threat was enough to alarm the wavering Governor Olson, who ordered the release of the strike leaders, the return of strike headquarters, and a restriction on permits.  He even staged a largely symbolic raid on the headquarters of the Citizen’s Alliance.


A looming official declaration of a General Strike forced the release of strike leaders, the return of union headquarters, and coerced Citizen Alliance members to accept a Federal mediation proposal that represented a Teamster victory.  The leaders of Local 574, left to right: Grant Dunne, Bill Brown, Miles Dunne, and Vincent Dunne with Communist League of America lawyer Albert Goldman on the right after their release from the stockade.

Meanwhile the Roosevelt administration stepped up mediation efforts.  On August 21 mediators finally wrung a virtual capitulation from Alliance leader A. W. Strong on most of the union demands, including recognition of representation for warehouse men at more than 25 of the city’s major employers.  Warehouse men at other facilities could opt join the union by a process of supervised recognition elections. 

After overwhelming approval of the settlement by the union, the city broke out in hours of rapturous celebrations.

The scope of the Teamster victory in Minneapolis is hard to overestimate.  Most of the great mass struggle strikes and general strikes had ended in the defeat of the workers or, at best, temporary victories.  But Minneapolis was permanently transformed from a conservative anti-union bastion to one of the most highly unionized cities in the country.  After the settlement workers in many unorganized industries unaffiliated with cartage asked local 574 to represent them.  The local almost stumbled into a One Big Union, on the model of the IWW where many of the leaders had started their labor careers.  Other workers joined the AFL unions of the Central Labor Council and still later organized into new Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) industrial unions.

The prestige of the Teamsters caused truckers from across the upper Midwest to call on them.  The union responded by dispatching some of its best militants, trained and honed by the long battles, including Farrell Dobbs and other tough Trotskyists.  Within a few years they transformed the Teamsters from a collection of local craft unions to a national powerhouse representing much of the increasingly important over-the-road trucking industry.  

And wherever the Teamsters went, so did the Trotskyists, establishing local organizations in dozens of key cities.  Late in 1934 the CLA merged with the majority of the American Workers Party which had led another critical mass strike that year, the Toledo Auto Lite Strike.  The new organization soon was renamed the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and for a time represented a major challenge to the Stalinist Communist Party as a major force on the American Left.  The two parties would clash repeatedly, sometimes to the detriment of union organizing drives and strikes led by one or the other.

Of course, there was blowback, particularly with the conservative leadership of the Teamsters under International President James Tobin.  In 1935 Tobin announced a purge of communists in the union.  The leaders of Local 574 were expelled and the local charter dissolved.  But rank-and-file Teamsters around the country rebelled.  They liked the new militancy and the power and prestige if brought the union whatever the politics of the local leaders.  By the end of the next year Tobin was forced to re-instate the Trotskyists and issue a charter to the renamed Local 544 which represented virtually 100% of the city’s transportation and warehouse industry in addition miscellaneous unrelated industries.  The official policy of the union was transformed from allegiance to local craft unionism to militant industrial unionism.

Dobbs and other Trotskyists were key to the spread of Teamster power—and facilitated the rise of their one-time ally Jimmy Hoffa.  They remained a powerful, driving force in the union until 1941.


Socialist Workers Party leaders, including several Teamsters and key veterans of the 1934 Minneapolis Strike, were convicted and sentenced under the Smith Act during World War II.  The indictments also led to a purge of Trotskyists from the Teamsters.

In 1940 in response to the looming entry of the United States into World War II, the Smith Act or the Alien Registration Act became law.  It set criminal penalties for advocating the overthrow of the U.S. government and required all non-citizen adult residents to register with the government.  Its initial targets were the fascists of the German-American Bund as well as anarchists, and alien communists.  But when Hitler turned on his former partner in carving up Poland Joseph Stalin and attacked the Soviet Union, Russia became a potential—even likely—ally. 

Because of the bitter hatred between the Trotskyists and Stalin loyalists, it was feared that the Teamsters might not support a war effort on behalf of the Soviets.  Indeed, the union, following the SWP line, was opposed to Lend-Lease shipments to the Red regime.  They also let it be known that in event of war the Teamsters would not be bound to any “patriotic” no-strike scheme.

In 1941 the Trotskyist leadership of the Teamsters was indicted under the Smith Act.  Seizing the moment, the national Teamster leadership gleefully expelled anyone associated with the SWP.  The criminal cases dragged on after the U.S. did enter the war after the attack on Pearl Harbor, but the men were convicted and after losing appeals began to serve sentences of one year in 1944.  Many, like Dobbs, served their sentences at the Federal prison at Sandstone, Minnesota, where more than 25 years later I would serve a sentence for resisting the draft.

Dobbs emerged from prison to become editor of the SWP’s newspaper The Militant and later became both head of the party and its three-time Presidential Candidate.  He also authored a four-book history of the Teamsters including Teamster Rebellion and Teamster Power which recounted the Minneapolis strike and the rise of the union under Trotskyist leadership.


Farrell Dobbs went on to become Socialist Workers Party leader, three-time Presidential candidate, and the historian of record for the 1934 Teamster strike and its aftermath.

Today, Trotskyism has fractured internationally and nationally into more parties and sects than it is humanly possible to count, although the SWP remains the largest.  But is largely isolated on the left, reviled by those who trace their lineage through the CP as well as by much of what emerged from the New Left.  Their influence is mostly felt through their work in national coalitions which have staged mass anti-war rallies and marches on Washington since the Vietnam War.  Despite this united front-type of activity, their ideology and membership have gained little traction among those drawn into the coalitions.

Whatever your opinion of the SWP or of Trotskyists, however, the brilliant, able, and creative leadership that they provided the Minneapolis Teamsters and the great labor victories that they helped achieve cannot be denied.  


Mildred Johnson, widow of striker Clarence Johnson, at the dedication of the memorial marker finally erected in Minneapolis.

After years of official neglect, a movement in Minneapolis finally led to a memorial to the 1934 strike.  The City Council approved a commemorative resolution and endorsed a plaque at the place where the police ambush killed John Belor and Henry Ness.  It was unveiled and dedicated on July 18, 2015.  Among the speakers at the unveiling was Linda Leighton, a shop steward in Service Employees Local 284 and a member of the Industrial Workers of the World whose grandfather, Vincent R. Dunne, was a strike leader and early member of the IWW.