Saturday, August 8, 2026

It Was Hoopla and Bewilderment in Chicago for Picasso’s Gift

                     

                                          Unveiling the Picasso in Daley Center Plaza in 1967 drew a crowd of gawkers.

The Chicago Picasso—it has no other name—turns 59 years old this August with a little less hurrah than in a milestone year. How big a deal it is remains a might mystifying to non-Chicagoans who underestimate the Toddlin’ Towns municipal vanity .    Aspirations to be lauded as a World Class City and center of the fine arts meets common Babbitt boosterism. 

The original dedication was held on August 15, 1967 during a summer that had been in the news mostly for the riots that swept the South and West Sides.  Mayor Richard J. Daley, whose crown as Boss of the City that Works was tarnished, was mighty glad for the opportunity to show off just how highbrow the Hog Butcher to the World could really be.

Today the Picasso is a—mostly—beloved Chicago icon.  Back in 1967 many of the city’s elite cultural gatekeepers, some of whom had never gotten over the shock of the 1913 Armory Show and were widely looked down upon as mere provincials by Manhattan sophisticates, and the blue collar lunch box proletariat were united in despising and being mystified by the Spanish artist’s gift to a city he had never seen.  Many suspected a commie plot or foresaw a fall into decadence and corruption.  Others just thought it was ugly and dumb.

Classic Chicago chroniclers Studs Terkel and Mike Royko were both on hand to document the Picasso dedication.

Count Chicago’s keenest observer, Daily News columnist Mike Royko in the latter category.  He called it “big, homely metal thing …[with] a long, stupid face…[that] looks like some giant insect that is about to eat a smaller, weaker insect. It has eyes that are pitiless, cold, mean.”  Which meant it was perfect for the city. “Its eyes are like the eyes of every slum owner who made a buck off the small and weak. And of every building inspector who took a wad from a slum owner to make it all possible.”

That other tireless chronicler of Chicago voices, Studs Terkel was on hand lugging around his heavy old reel-to-reel semi-portable tape recorder to capture the wisdom of the hoi polloi. Quotes from that tape litter almost all of the stories about the original dedication.  You can almost hear the hard-bitten accents of some.  From Rick Hogans magazine piece from the 50th anniversary:

“A pelvic structure of a prehistoric monster,” “A politician because it’s got so many faces,” “A bird, “A big butterfly.” Some people were befuddled (“Is that the front view?”) and one was obviously a loyal Democrat (“If Daley says it’s good, it’s good enough for me”).

And from Neil Steinberg, the younger Chicago Sun-times columnist the same year:

“At first glance, it looks rather grotesque…” said one. “You got something like this, 99 percent of the people don’t know what it resembles,” observed another. “A nightmare,” added a third. “A woman!?” marveled another. “A woman, yes, definitely, now it makes some sense. At first, when they had no idea what it was, I didn’t think too much of it. But now I like the idea of a woman being placed at the civic center. It seems like the woman has to do with everything in life, and this has to do with the good things in life. This is a civic center and the goodness of a woman. That’s my idea.”

Which reminds us of the huge controversy about just what the hell the thing was, anyway, much of it fueled by the media.  There were many theories put forward—a vulture, the artist’s pet Afghan hound, a baboon, a starving lion, a woman of course, and just a big practical joke on the city.  As for me, youthful as I was at the time, I never had any doubt it was a woman.  Despite attempts to revive the controversy, it turned out that I was right.

                                            
                                                    Picasso's Head of a Woman sketch from 1962 is pretty definitive in confirming the artist's subject.

Art scholars have found doodles and sketches of similar forms dating back to Picasso’s halcyon days in Paris back in 1913.  Somewhat definitive is a 1962 sketch of a nearly identical form that the artist clearly labeled Head of a Woman.  Hard to argue with that.  And we even know pretty certainly which womana teen age girl actually. 

Sylvette David was about 17 or 18 when Picasso spotted her in the company of her boyfriend walking by his studio in 1954.  The old satyr was smitten, as he often was.  He was able to get the girl with the long swan-like neck and the high ponytail that spread out behind it to pose for him for several studies, including a realistic profile and several cubist deconstructions.  Unlike many of his other muses he was never able to bed girl and in fact named one of his 40 compositions of her was called The One Who Said No.  That ponytail not only became the “wings” of the Chicago statue, but it also inspired the signature casual look for Brigit Bardot.  Sylvette went on to her own successful career as a painter and artist now known as Lydia Corbett.  She lived a lively 80+ years and recently said of Picasso, “I never thanked him enough. He immortalized me. I’m like the Mona Lisa. Amazing, don’t you think?”


Silvet David in 1954 with one of dozens of studies Picasso did of her.  That high ponytail that splayed out behind her head and neck would be echoed in a monumental sculpture more than a decade later.

Back in 1957, I was not at the unveiling.  I had graduated from Niles West High School in Skokie that spring and was spending the summer washing dishes at a Howard Johnson and getting ready to start Shimer College in Mt. Caroll, Illinois that fall.  I read all about the controversy in the papers, and undoubtedly devoured Royko’s sour take on it. I first saw it in person a few months later at an anti-war rally in the Plaza.  As a matter of fact, all of my early encounters were at rallies and marches where the towering sculpture dominated the wide-open space. 

I remember being impressed by its size and how its rust brown surface echoed the cladding of the Dailey Center itself.  I was pretty sure that Picasso was not an art-to-match-the-sofa kind of guy.  I was right, he had not dictated a color.  That came from the supplier of the steel to construct it, the American Bridge Company division of the United States Steel Corporation which used naturally oxidizing COR-TEN steel, the same material as used in the building.  Over the years both have darkened to what is now a grey with only hints of reddish brown depending on the light.

Picasso was hands down the most famous artist in the world when he was visited by a committee of Chicago boosters bringing tacky gifts from Hizzoner with a request for him to create a monumental artwork for the otherwise  desolate plaza of the new monument that the Mayor was erecting to himself.  The artist was amused, flattered, and skeptical.  But among the gifts was a photo of Oak Parks native son Ernest Hemingway.  Picasso excitedly exclaimed, “My friend! I taught him everything he knew about bullfighting. Was he from Chicago?”  His visitors may have been a little vague in their reply.  At any rate he agreed—and more over agreed to make his creation a gift to the city.

                                    
                                                          Picasso hastily sketching out his intention.

He started work in May, 1964 basing his design on sketches he had already made, including the Head of a Woman.  He translated those two-dimensional images into three dimensions by making sketches on plywood, cutting out the parts, and assembling them with glue and wire.  He had been using a similar process to make smaller scale painted-on-sheet metal sculptures from his cubist reflections since Sylvette posed for him.  But this time he proposed to leave the surface of the finished work raw, rather than painted in order to emphasize the shapes that seemed to shift when viewed from different angles.

Picasso, with few revisions translated this first model into a 42-inch-high maquette that was first displayed to the public in London during a major retrospective exhibit.  It drew raves from the British art cognisante.  Then the excited Chicago City Hall put the model on display at the Art Institute where it remains to this day.  So, Chicagoans, at least the museum visiting slice of the population knew what the pig in the poke was going to look like.  Some shared an excitement of being in the avant garde, but many were furious on both esthetic and political grounds—the artist was a known leftist and had recently been glad to accept a Lenin Prize, the Soviet Unions answer to the Nobel Prize There was loose talk in some captive nation taverns in the city’s ethnic neighborhoods of blowing the damn thing to smithereens.  

The Woods Charitable Fund, Chauncey and Marion Deering McCormick Foundation, and the Field Foundation ponied up the roughly $352,000 cost of erecting the 50-foot-high sculpture that would weigh 147 tons.  American Bridge created a final 12 high model for Picasso to approve that included some structural reinforcements to support the enormous weight.  The artist agreed and fabrication work began at the U.S. Steel rolling mills in Gary, Indiana.

The parts were delivered by truck and installation began on a re-enforced pedestal on May 2. 1967.  As it rose it was shrouded in scaffolding and canvas.  Work was completed in early August and final touches were put on dedication plans.

                            
                                            Gwendolyn Brooks looks as conflicted as she felt getting ready to read a poem before the unveiling of the statue.

On the big day the Plaza was filled with the curious. Mayor Daley and every other politico with enough clout crowded the dais along with all of the accredited art lovers.  Gwendolyn Brooks was asked to compose and read a new work for the occasion. Chances were strong that Daley never read the works of the Black woman with strong opinions about race relations in the city, urban renewal, rampant police brutality, and the rising voice of Black Power.  On the other hand, the poet scored Pulitzer Prize and someone named her Chicago’s Poet Laureate, so she was just what the doctor called for in a program meant to buck-up the city’s cultural credentials.  For her part Brooks was flattered to be asked and aware that this sort of thing was just what was expected of the Poet Laureate.  But she was conflicted.  She hardly knew what to think of what she had seen of the sculpture and wasn’t sure she liked it or approved.  “Man visits Art, but squirms...” was as much enthusiasm as she could muster that day just before the canvas shroud dropped.

The ever-vigilant Royko took note, however, of the symbolism of Brooks’ prominent presence.  “When [Aldermen] Keane and Cullerton sit behind a lady poet, things are changing.”

By the time the 25th anniversary rolled around in 1982 and Brooks was invited back for another crack at it, she had grown used to and fond of the Picasso.  She could be more honestly effusive.

Set,
seasoned,
sardonic still,
I continue royal among you.
I astonish you still.
You never knew what I am.
That did not matter and does not.

When the drapery finally dropped that first day some observers thought they observed a scowl on the Mayor’s face.  Others thought it was more of a bemused smirk as if he was pleased as punch at getting away with a world class con.  Likewise, there are conflicting reports on the crowd reaction.  Loyal machine partisans in the media reported cheers and applause.  Others described stunned silence giving way gradually to the kind of polite pro-forma clapping you would give to a third-rate singer.

Whatever the immediate reaction, the Picasso quickly became a Chicago icon.  As critic Desmond Morris, author of The Naked Ape, predicted in defiance of the chorus nay sayers, the sculpture would “become an art landmark, one of the most famous sites in the world.”

                              
                                                          Sometimes the Picasso was crudely rendered and hardly recognizable in souvenirs like this bracelet charm.

And thanks to city Law Department faux pas Chicago lost the copyright on the monument’s image by publicly displaying it at the Art Institute without protection.  Souvenir stands were soon awash in post cards, posters, t-shirts, jewelry, snow-globes, bronze trinkets of all sizes, and high-end collector edition art models.  Something for every budget.  No one could come home from a Windy City visit without some kind of Picasso memorabilia.

On the cultural front the statue was the first monumental outdoor modern public art in the country.  It immediately blew heroic bronzes and classical motifs out of the water. Within a decade it seemed that no public project could go up without a head-scratching set piece from downtown plazas and government buildings to modest village halls, suburban shopping malls, and even office and factory campuses.  This trend was accelerated with a Federal Government policy of 2% of the cost of new construction set aside for the arts and state and local policies that aped it.  A lot of sculptors got work, not all of them a creative genius like Picasso.


The Picasso has weathered to gray with just hints of the former rust brown.  Children continue to use it as the world's most expensive piece of playground equipment.

Nowhere was this more apparent than in Chicago’s Loop where Alexander Calders Stabile adorns the Dirksen Federal Building, Claus Oldenburgs ironic Bat Column rises, Marc Chagalls mosaic covered monolith graced the First National Bank of Chicago Plaza, as well as works by Joan Miro and Henry Moore.  But so does mediocre stuff not to mention the hideous Snoopy in Blender outside the white elephant former James R. Thompson State of Illinois building.


The Windy City's new cultural landmark Cloud Gate a/k/a The Bean serenely reflects a shining city.  Compare and contrast to the edgy and raw urban drama of the Picasso.

Today Anish Kapoors Cloud Gate a/k/a The Bean in Millennium Park may have taken the title of Chicago’s most famous and photographed work of public art, just as the Picasso once upstaged the former leading icon, Buckingham Fountain.  But tourists still snap the old girl in Dailey Plaza and, yes, marches, rallies and demonstrations still swirl around her. She will always have a gritty edge that the serene Bean can never match. 


 

Friday, August 7, 2026

Walking the Walk and Compassion for Campers Update for August 7 2026

 Look for new opportunities for action, education, community, and solidarity in and around McHenry County here every week.  

                                                            Walking the Walk 


Planet Palooza is an outdoor event aimed at ways to “Make our planet a better place to live” now in its 4th year on Woodstock Square on Sunday, August 16 from 11 am to 3 pm. It will highlight and showcase McHenry County Non-Profit Groups and Organizations that address environmental issues, groups that advocate for diversity and equality, veterans, groups that combat hunger, homelessness, domestic violence, addiction, human trafficking, suicide, gun violence, as well as those groups who provide other essential services to our growing and diverse communities will all be exhibiting. Featuring information and outreach booths and table, entertainment, family activities, and food trucks. Hosted by Together We Stand McHenry County and the McHenry County College Sustainability Center. Visit the website at https://togetherwestandmchenrycounty.org/Planet-Palooza/

Compassion for Campers


Our distributions are usually held on the first and third Fridays of the month from 10 am to 2 pm at the new McHenry County Resource Center (MCHC) at the McHenry County Mental Health Board offices, 620 Dakota Street in Crystal Lake.    Due to a Mental Health Board event the MCHC will be closed today, August 7.  The following C4C distribution will be Friday, August 21.  

With at least a temporary home base, C4C can resume accepting donations of supplies including clean used sleeping bags and tents in their bags or cases, tarps and other basic camping gear, rain gear, and especially mosquito and tick repellents and sunscreen.  Contact Sue Rekenthaler at tomatos@mc.net or Patrick Murfin at pmurfin@sbcglobal.net for more information.

Financial support is critical to fulfilling our mission. The best thing you can do is offer your critically needed financial support. Money donations are always welcome at     https://tinyurl.com/3bz96axe.   Look for updates here.  Email compassionforcampers@treeoflifeuu.org .

Kon Tiki Made the Epic Voyage That Proved Nothing

 

Kon Tiki under sail.  She flew the flags of not only Norway of other nations represented on the crew or which offered material support to the voyage including Peru, Italy Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Sweden.

On August 7, 1947 the sailing raft Kon Tiki crashed into a barrier reef off an uninhabited islet near Raroia Atoll in the Tuamotu Group of French Polynesia. The ship’s Norwegian crew led by explorer Thor Heyerdahl managed to drag the craft safely to the beach.  After a few days of being stranded, they were rescued by Polynesian natives from a near-by island who came to investigate the source of unusual jetsam that washed up on their shore.  It was the end of a grand adventure that Heyerdahl would chronicle in a world-wide bestselling book and in a documentary film of the voyage.  


Thor Heyerdahl, the intrepid captain.

Heyerdahl’s epic nearly 4,000-mile trip across the Pacific from Peru to Polynesia was meant to test his theory that the islands of the South Pacific could have been populated by people from the South American mainland, carried westward by the prevalent Humboldt Current

Heyerdahl built his raft from local materials using only technology available in the pre-Columbian era and based on observations of native crafts described by Peru’s early Spanish Conquistadores. Heyerdahl named his craft after a variation on the name of the Incan sun god, Viracocha.

The raft was built with nine light weight balsa tree trunks ranging up to 45 feet long and 2 feet in diameter, lashed together with heavy hemp ropes. Balsa cross-pieces 18 feet long and 1 foot in diameter were lashed across the logs at 3-foot intervals to. The bow was clad in hand hewn Pine boards about 1 inch thick and 2 feet wide. Similar boards were wedged between the balsa logs and used as centerboards—retractable keels.

The main mast was made of lengths of mangrove wood lashed together to form an A-frame 29 feet high. The spars were a laminate of wood and reeds. The main sail was 15 by 18 feet on a yard arm of bamboo cane lashed together with hemp. The raft also carried a small top sail and a mizzen-sail mounted at the stern. With a partial deck of split bamboo, a cabin of plaited bamboo 14 feet long and 8 feet wide and nearly 5 feet high was built and roofed with banana leaf thatch. At the stern was a 19 feet long steering oar of mangrove wood, with a blade of fir. No metal was used in the construction.  


                        Heyerdahl at the steering oar.

Local provisions and storage techniques were used, although U.S. Army donated some canned rations for emergencies.  The Kon-Tiki carried 250 liters of water in bamboo tubes, 200 coconuts, sweet potatoes, bottle gourds, and other assorted fruit and roots.  For protein the crew relied on—and was successful in obtaining—abundant fish caught along the way including flying fish, dolphin (the fish, not the mammal), yellow fin, bonita, and shark. 

The ship also carried radios, watches, metal knives, and a sextant which Heyerdahl said did not compromise the integrity of the experiment since they did not affect the sailing ability of the ship or the sustainability of the crew. 

On April 28 Heyerdahl and his crew of 5 were towed aboard the Kon Tiki by a Peruvian Navy tug from the harbor at Callao to a point about 50 miles offshore.  This was to prevent tidal forces from bashing the raft back against the shore.  Heyerdahl maintained that a similar raft could have been towed beyond the danger by teams of canoes.  


            The voyage of Kon Tiki.

Once set adrift, the raft caught the Humboldt and was on its way.  On July 30 the crew spotted their first land, the atoll of Puka-Puka, and on August 4 they met inhabitants of Angatau Island in their canoes but could not land safely there.  Three days later they struck the reef that ended the voyage after 3,770 nautical miles in 101 days, at an average speed of 1.5 knots. 

The raft was salvaged and eventually brought to Oslo where it is the centerpiece of the Kon-Tiki Museum, one of Norways leading tourist attractions.  Heyerdahl, who died in 2002, is still celebrated as one of the nation’s great heroes.  

Kon Tiki on display in Oslo in her own museum.

Ironically, although the voyage proved that the journey was possible, ethnologists have long since discounted Heyerdahl’s theory of a South American origin for the Polynesian people.  Their origins are still wrapped in some mystery but the prevailing thought, based on DNA evidence and linguistics is that they originated on Taiwan and spread more or less slowly, depending of which conflicting theories are applied, through Micronesia, the Malay Peninsula, and the islands of Austronesia (including most of modern Indonesia and the Philippines) while mixing with even more ancient local populations in the area.   


Polynesians heading east and south explored and settled islands across vast stretches of the Pacific ocean using double hull sailing canoes like this.  Their navigation system including probable astronomical observation and knowledge of currents is still a mystery.

Scientists are still puzzled by how the Polynesians navigated regularly across wide expanses of ocean in canoes—not rafts—with no known navigational aids.

Thursday, August 6, 2026

Two Fulcrum Anniversaries —The Bomb and a Boon

 

The mushroom cloud over Hiroshima August 6, 1945.

Two incredibly significant anniversaries are being observed today.  They couldn’t be more different, but each event shaped and changed forever the world in which we live.  Eighty-one years ago on August 6, 1945 the Atomic Bomb was first used as a weapon of war, exploding with unprecedented devastation over Hiroshima, Japan and ushering in decades of fear known as the Nuclear Age.  Twenty years later President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 ushering in an era of increased Black political participation and power particularly in the states of the old Confederacy.

Despite the anniversary, the defining world historical event of the 20th Century attention to Hiroshima seems, at least to me, to be more muted than during previous years.  Perhaps it has to do with the rapid fading of the World War II generation itself.  Perhaps because a generation or more has come of age since the demise of the old Soviet Union and with it the Sword of Damocles threat of global incineration that Baby Boomers like me grew up with.  Despite rising tensions with Russia under Vladimir Putin and the invasion of Ukraine few expect that not-so-veiled threats to seriously threaten the United States or its European allies with nukes.  China, the emerging polar power vs. the U.S. has not been unclearly aggressive. 

There have been periodic scares from the Third World—largely fantastic attempts to whip up hysteria over supposed suite case bombs in the hands of terrorists, the so called Islamic bomb in Pakistan which was preemptively squashed by India, periodic bluster and chest beating threats from North Korea, and Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahus persistent attempts to drum up a war between the U.S. and Iran over as yet undeveloped possible nuclear arms.  With Donald Trump as his imbecilic dupe, he finally stirred up a war with the Islamic Republic.  You may have heard that is not going well.

Despite all this most Americans no longer live with the dread of the world coming to an end tomorrow.  

 


The Doomsday clock is set closer than ever to Midnight

We may be too nonchalant.   In 2023 the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists which keeps close track on such things re-set their famous Doomsday Clock to 90 seconds to Midnight, the most alarming re-set ever which reflected North Korean efforts, the collapse of agreements by Iran to suspend weapon development, and the general instability of the world largely due to Donald Trump’s feckless policies, and population pressures from accelerating climate change.  The Clock has been re-set again to 85 seconds to Midnight.


The devastation in Hiroshima.

The U.S. Army Air Corps B-29 bomber Enola Gay piloted by Colonel Paul Tibbets dropped a bomb on Hiroshima at 8:15 local time as residents were beginning their work and school days.  To do justice to the occasion today, I would have to dwell in detail on what it was like in the city that morning when “the face of the sun seemed to kiss the earth.”  And frankly I am not up to that ever-wrenching experience.  Call me a coward.  Instead, for just a taste of the horror and destruction I invite you to view Hiroshima: The Lost Photographs.


Voting rights demonstrations across the South, often brutally suppressed, like the first attempt of a march from Selma Alabama where young John Lewis had his skull fractured and the deaths of White civil rights workers pressured Lyndon Johnson to act and ultimately gave him the leverage to get an act through Congress.

The anniversary of the Voting Rights Act continues to generate more interest than usual because voting rights are under such relentless attack and because of the deaths of voting rights champions Congressman John Lewis and Rev. C.T. Vivian.  Progressive forces are now rallying to preserve them and to recoup what has been lost since 2013 when the Supreme Court overturned a key provision to combat racial discrimination in voting.

Under Section 5 of the landmark civil rights law, jurisdictions with a history of discrimination needed to seek pre-approval of changes in voting rules that could affect minorities.  It blocked discrimination before it occurred. In Shelby County V. Holder the Court invalidated Section 4—which laid out criteria for identifying states and localities covered by Section 5—claiming that current conditions require a new coverage formula.  That left Section 5 intact but unenforceable.  The conservative majority on the Court claimed that Congress could easily adopt a new formula and restore enforcement, knowing full well that with the House of Representatives in the iron grip of reactionary Republican majorities that no remedy would be enacted.

Since then, attacks on voting rights have intensified across the country—and not just in the old Deep South.  Republican Legislatures and Governors have enacted waves of legislation aimed at curbing or discouraging voting by minorities and any groups of voters suspected of possible Democratic tendencies.  In the name of fighting a virtually nonexistent form of voter fraud—registration and voting by non-citizens misrepresenting their status—burdensome proof of identity legislation, including very limited numbers of approved identification documents and fees and charges for attaining those documents.  Places where applicants can obtain documents have been reduced requiring burdensome travel and their hours of operation restricted.  Students have been barred from registering where they attend college, even if they live there year around.  Early voting periods have been reduced and restricted.  Polling places have been eliminated and consolidated in minority areas to guarantee long and discouraging lines.  It seems like new and creative ways to curb registration or discourage voting are introduced every year, churned out as model legislation by some right wing think tank and spreading from red state to red state like a virus.


The Rev. William Barber in the red stole became a leading voice for the "Civil Rights Movement for our times" and demands to end the GOP rampage of voter suppression laws.  Seen here before his arrest with other faith leaders in Washington.

Many, maybe even most, of these restrictions eventually get struck down in the courts, but not before having their desired effect for an election cycle or two.  With Section 4 in place, many of these changes would have been stopped by Federal review before they were even put in place. 

Meanwhile there was a growing rank-and-file movement to reclaim voting rights in the same way as they were first won at bitter cost to begin with—with street protests and civil disobedience.  The NAACPs Moral Monday movement in South Carolina was a model for a new activism and a movement that has been called the Selma of the 21st Century.


Lyndon Johnson signing the Voting Rights Act of 1965.  Among the witnesses are Senate Co-Sponsor and Republican Minority Leader Everett Dirksen of Illinois, Rev. Ralph Abernathy, Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. , Benjamin Hooks and Rosa Parks.

On August 6, 1965, President Lyndon Johnson signed the landmark National Voting Rights Act of 1965 in a ceremony at the White House attended by leaders of both parties in Congress and Civil Rights leaders including the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Benjamin Hooks

My generation, which grew up protesting the War in Vietnam, grew to regard Johnson as “the enemy.”  Yet his record on domestic issues was unmatched by any President except Franklin Delano Roosevelt.  His Great Society programs, though far from perfect, were the last great systematic assault on poverty in our history.  And this Texas wheeler-dealer accomplished what Northern liberals like John F. Kennedy never could—a comprehensive legislative attack on discrimination and the subjugation of Black citizens. 

Perhaps we expected that subsequent Democratic Presidents would take up where Johnson left off without the stain of a fruitless war.  The fact is that whatever their intentions, none of them did.  The previous year the Civil Rights Act of 1964 opened doors of public accommodations in response to ongoing campaigns by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), branches of the National Association of Colored People (NAACP), and others. 

But the historic pattern of restricting voting by Blacks through the use of poll taxes, literacy tests, and outright intimidation that was the hallmark of the Jim Crow era after Southern Whites dismantled the reforms of post-Civil War Reconstruction, remained untouched.  With new militancy the SCLC and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) turned to campaigns to register voters. 

That campaign took a bloody, violent turn in Selma, Alabama earlier that year. Marchers attempting to reach the local Court House to register were attacked and many severely beaten. Black demonstrator, Jimmy Lee Johnson, was killed during a march in near-by Marion City.  Then James Reeb, a White Unitarian Universalist Minister who had responded to a call by Dr. King for support, was beaten to death shortly after arriving in the city. 

Johnson instinctively knew that the death of the White minister would galvanize public sentiment and support in the way no number of Black deaths could. A few days later a massive Selma to Montgomery March was turned back with violence at the Edmund Pettis Bridge—Bloody Sunday.   

On March 15, Johnson addressed a joint session of Congress to call for the Voting Rights Act. It was introduced in the Senate on March 18 by Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield of Montana and Republican Minority Leader Everett Dirksen of Illinois 

A second March to Montgomery, this time under the protection of Federal Authorities, got underway on March 21 and arrived at the Alabama capital for a massive rally on March 25 with the renewed purpose of supporting the Voting Rights Act.  After the rally a White Unitarian Universalist volunteer from Michigan, Viola Liuzzo, was shot and killed while driving a Black demonstrator back to Selma.  


The deaths of a white minister and a white woman volunteer during the Selma Campaign spurred Congress to action on the Voting Rights act in a way the vastly more numerous murders of Black activists like Jimmy Lee Jackson had ever done.  White privilege thus leveraged the landmark act.  At least the Unitarian Universalist Association (UUA) recognized the sacrifice of Jackson alongside UUs Rev. James Reeb and Viola Liuzzo in the memorial plaque that hangs in the Boston headquarters.

That only stepped up pressure on Congress, where despite a fierce last line of resistance by Southern Democrats, a filibuster was broken and the measure passed the upper chamber on May 26.   The vote was 77-19 with 47 Democrats in favor, 17 opposed and 30 Republicans—who still were proud to be the party of Lincoln—in favor and 2 opposed. 

Delaying tactics and attempts at gutting the measure by amendment slowed action in the House of Representatives but it passed with minor amendments on a vote of 333-85 when Congress reconvened from the Independence Day recess on July 9.  A Conference Committee reconciliation of the two versions cleared the House on August 3 and the Senate the next day. 

Johnson wasted no time including King and Rosa Parks to attend.