Showing posts with label Richard J. Daley. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Richard J. Daley. Show all posts

Saturday, August 8, 2026

It Was Hoopla and Bewilderment in Chicago for Picasso’s Gift

                     

                                          Unveiling the Picasso in Daley Center Plaza in 1967 drew a crowd of gawkers.

The Chicago Picasso—it has no other name—turns 59 years old this August with a little less hurrah than in a milestone year. How big a deal it is remains a might mystifying to non-Chicagoans who underestimate the Toddlin’ Towns municipal vanity .    Aspirations to be lauded as a World Class City and center of the fine arts meets common Babbitt boosterism. 

The original dedication was held on August 15, 1967 during a summer that had been in the news mostly for the riots that swept the South and West Sides.  Mayor Richard J. Daley, whose crown as Boss of the City that Works was tarnished, was mighty glad for the opportunity to show off just how highbrow the Hog Butcher to the World could really be.

Today the Picasso is a—mostly—beloved Chicago icon.  Back in 1967 many of the city’s elite cultural gatekeepers, some of whom had never gotten over the shock of the 1913 Armory Show and were widely looked down upon as mere provincials by Manhattan sophisticates, and the blue collar lunch box proletariat were united in despising and being mystified by the Spanish artist’s gift to a city he had never seen.  Many suspected a commie plot or foresaw a fall into decadence and corruption.  Others just thought it was ugly and dumb.

Classic Chicago chroniclers Studs Terkel and Mike Royko were both on hand to document the Picasso dedication.

Count Chicago’s keenest observer, Daily News columnist Mike Royko in the latter category.  He called it “big, homely metal thing …[with] a long, stupid face…[that] looks like some giant insect that is about to eat a smaller, weaker insect. It has eyes that are pitiless, cold, mean.”  Which meant it was perfect for the city. “Its eyes are like the eyes of every slum owner who made a buck off the small and weak. And of every building inspector who took a wad from a slum owner to make it all possible.”

That other tireless chronicler of Chicago voices, Studs Terkel was on hand lugging around his heavy old reel-to-reel semi-portable tape recorder to capture the wisdom of the hoi polloi. Quotes from that tape litter almost all of the stories about the original dedication.  You can almost hear the hard-bitten accents of some.  From Rick Hogans magazine piece from the 50th anniversary:

“A pelvic structure of a prehistoric monster,” “A politician because it’s got so many faces,” “A bird, “A big butterfly.” Some people were befuddled (“Is that the front view?”) and one was obviously a loyal Democrat (“If Daley says it’s good, it’s good enough for me”).

And from Neil Steinberg, the younger Chicago Sun-times columnist the same year:

“At first glance, it looks rather grotesque…” said one. “You got something like this, 99 percent of the people don’t know what it resembles,” observed another. “A nightmare,” added a third. “A woman!?” marveled another. “A woman, yes, definitely, now it makes some sense. At first, when they had no idea what it was, I didn’t think too much of it. But now I like the idea of a woman being placed at the civic center. It seems like the woman has to do with everything in life, and this has to do with the good things in life. This is a civic center and the goodness of a woman. That’s my idea.”

Which reminds us of the huge controversy about just what the hell the thing was, anyway, much of it fueled by the media.  There were many theories put forward—a vulture, the artist’s pet Afghan hound, a baboon, a starving lion, a woman of course, and just a big practical joke on the city.  As for me, youthful as I was at the time, I never had any doubt it was a woman.  Despite attempts to revive the controversy, it turned out that I was right.

                                            
                                                    Picasso's Head of a Woman sketch from 1962 is pretty definitive in confirming the artist's subject.

Art scholars have found doodles and sketches of similar forms dating back to Picasso’s halcyon days in Paris back in 1913.  Somewhat definitive is a 1962 sketch of a nearly identical form that the artist clearly labeled Head of a Woman.  Hard to argue with that.  And we even know pretty certainly which womana teen age girl actually. 

Sylvette David was about 17 or 18 when Picasso spotted her in the company of her boyfriend walking by his studio in 1954.  The old satyr was smitten, as he often was.  He was able to get the girl with the long swan-like neck and the high ponytail that spread out behind it to pose for him for several studies, including a realistic profile and several cubist deconstructions.  Unlike many of his other muses he was never able to bed girl and in fact named one of his 40 compositions of her was called The One Who Said No.  That ponytail not only became the “wings” of the Chicago statue, but it also inspired the signature casual look for Brigit Bardot.  Sylvette went on to her own successful career as a painter and artist now known as Lydia Corbett.  She lived a lively 80+ years and recently said of Picasso, “I never thanked him enough. He immortalized me. I’m like the Mona Lisa. Amazing, don’t you think?”


Silvet David in 1954 with one of dozens of studies Picasso did of her.  That high ponytail that splayed out behind her head and neck would be echoed in a monumental sculpture more than a decade later.

Back in 1957, I was not at the unveiling.  I had graduated from Niles West High School in Skokie that spring and was spending the summer washing dishes at a Howard Johnson and getting ready to start Shimer College in Mt. Caroll, Illinois that fall.  I read all about the controversy in the papers, and undoubtedly devoured Royko’s sour take on it. I first saw it in person a few months later at an anti-war rally in the Plaza.  As a matter of fact, all of my early encounters were at rallies and marches where the towering sculpture dominated the wide-open space. 

I remember being impressed by its size and how its rust brown surface echoed the cladding of the Dailey Center itself.  I was pretty sure that Picasso was not an art-to-match-the-sofa kind of guy.  I was right, he had not dictated a color.  That came from the supplier of the steel to construct it, the American Bridge Company division of the United States Steel Corporation which used naturally oxidizing COR-TEN steel, the same material as used in the building.  Over the years both have darkened to what is now a grey with only hints of reddish brown depending on the light.

Picasso was hands down the most famous artist in the world when he was visited by a committee of Chicago boosters bringing tacky gifts from Hizzoner with a request for him to create a monumental artwork for the otherwise  desolate plaza of the new monument that the Mayor was erecting to himself.  The artist was amused, flattered, and skeptical.  But among the gifts was a photo of Oak Parks native son Ernest Hemingway.  Picasso excitedly exclaimed, “My friend! I taught him everything he knew about bullfighting. Was he from Chicago?”  His visitors may have been a little vague in their reply.  At any rate he agreed—and more over agreed to make his creation a gift to the city.

                                    
                                                          Picasso hastily sketching out his intention.

He started work in May, 1964 basing his design on sketches he had already made, including the Head of a Woman.  He translated those two-dimensional images into three dimensions by making sketches on plywood, cutting out the parts, and assembling them with glue and wire.  He had been using a similar process to make smaller scale painted-on-sheet metal sculptures from his cubist reflections since Sylvette posed for him.  But this time he proposed to leave the surface of the finished work raw, rather than painted in order to emphasize the shapes that seemed to shift when viewed from different angles.

Picasso, with few revisions translated this first model into a 42-inch-high maquette that was first displayed to the public in London during a major retrospective exhibit.  It drew raves from the British art cognisante.  Then the excited Chicago City Hall put the model on display at the Art Institute where it remains to this day.  So, Chicagoans, at least the museum visiting slice of the population knew what the pig in the poke was going to look like.  Some shared an excitement of being in the avant garde, but many were furious on both esthetic and political grounds—the artist was a known leftist and had recently been glad to accept a Lenin Prize, the Soviet Unions answer to the Nobel Prize There was loose talk in some captive nation taverns in the city’s ethnic neighborhoods of blowing the damn thing to smithereens.  

The Woods Charitable Fund, Chauncey and Marion Deering McCormick Foundation, and the Field Foundation ponied up the roughly $352,000 cost of erecting the 50-foot-high sculpture that would weigh 147 tons.  American Bridge created a final 12 high model for Picasso to approve that included some structural reinforcements to support the enormous weight.  The artist agreed and fabrication work began at the U.S. Steel rolling mills in Gary, Indiana.

The parts were delivered by truck and installation began on a re-enforced pedestal on May 2. 1967.  As it rose it was shrouded in scaffolding and canvas.  Work was completed in early August and final touches were put on dedication plans.

                            
                                            Gwendolyn Brooks looks as conflicted as she felt getting ready to read a poem before the unveiling of the statue.

On the big day the Plaza was filled with the curious. Mayor Daley and every other politico with enough clout crowded the dais along with all of the accredited art lovers.  Gwendolyn Brooks was asked to compose and read a new work for the occasion. Chances were strong that Daley never read the works of the Black woman with strong opinions about race relations in the city, urban renewal, rampant police brutality, and the rising voice of Black Power.  On the other hand, the poet scored Pulitzer Prize and someone named her Chicago’s Poet Laureate, so she was just what the doctor called for in a program meant to buck-up the city’s cultural credentials.  For her part Brooks was flattered to be asked and aware that this sort of thing was just what was expected of the Poet Laureate.  But she was conflicted.  She hardly knew what to think of what she had seen of the sculpture and wasn’t sure she liked it or approved.  “Man visits Art, but squirms...” was as much enthusiasm as she could muster that day just before the canvas shroud dropped.

The ever-vigilant Royko took note, however, of the symbolism of Brooks’ prominent presence.  “When [Aldermen] Keane and Cullerton sit behind a lady poet, things are changing.”

By the time the 25th anniversary rolled around in 1982 and Brooks was invited back for another crack at it, she had grown used to and fond of the Picasso.  She could be more honestly effusive.

Set,
seasoned,
sardonic still,
I continue royal among you.
I astonish you still.
You never knew what I am.
That did not matter and does not.

When the drapery finally dropped that first day some observers thought they observed a scowl on the Mayor’s face.  Others thought it was more of a bemused smirk as if he was pleased as punch at getting away with a world class con.  Likewise, there are conflicting reports on the crowd reaction.  Loyal machine partisans in the media reported cheers and applause.  Others described stunned silence giving way gradually to the kind of polite pro-forma clapping you would give to a third-rate singer.

Whatever the immediate reaction, the Picasso quickly became a Chicago icon.  As critic Desmond Morris, author of The Naked Ape, predicted in defiance of the chorus nay sayers, the sculpture would “become an art landmark, one of the most famous sites in the world.”

                              
                                                          Sometimes the Picasso was crudely rendered and hardly recognizable in souvenirs like this bracelet charm.

And thanks to city Law Department faux pas Chicago lost the copyright on the monument’s image by publicly displaying it at the Art Institute without protection.  Souvenir stands were soon awash in post cards, posters, t-shirts, jewelry, snow-globes, bronze trinkets of all sizes, and high-end collector edition art models.  Something for every budget.  No one could come home from a Windy City visit without some kind of Picasso memorabilia.

On the cultural front the statue was the first monumental outdoor modern public art in the country.  It immediately blew heroic bronzes and classical motifs out of the water. Within a decade it seemed that no public project could go up without a head-scratching set piece from downtown plazas and government buildings to modest village halls, suburban shopping malls, and even office and factory campuses.  This trend was accelerated with a Federal Government policy of 2% of the cost of new construction set aside for the arts and state and local policies that aped it.  A lot of sculptors got work, not all of them a creative genius like Picasso.


The Picasso has weathered to gray with just hints of the former rust brown.  Children continue to use it as the world's most expensive piece of playground equipment.

Nowhere was this more apparent than in Chicago’s Loop where Alexander Calders Stabile adorns the Dirksen Federal Building, Claus Oldenburgs ironic Bat Column rises, Marc Chagalls mosaic covered monolith graced the First National Bank of Chicago Plaza, as well as works by Joan Miro and Henry Moore.  But so does mediocre stuff not to mention the hideous Snoopy in Blender outside the white elephant former James R. Thompson State of Illinois building.


The Windy City's new cultural landmark Cloud Gate a/k/a The Bean serenely reflects a shining city.  Compare and contrast to the edgy and raw urban drama of the Picasso.

Today Anish Kapoors Cloud Gate a/k/a The Bean in Millennium Park may have taken the title of Chicago’s most famous and photographed work of public art, just as the Picasso once upstaged the former leading icon, Buckingham Fountain.  But tourists still snap the old girl in Dailey Plaza and, yes, marches, rallies and demonstrations still swirl around her. She will always have a gritty edge that the serene Bean can never match. 


 

Monday, July 27, 2026

The Race Riots of 1919--Chicago's Week of Hell

  

A Chicago Tribune cartoon published while the 1919 riots were still raging depicts the flashpoint at the 29th Street Beach.

It began over 100 years ago with what might, under other circumstances, have been passed off teenage rough house when a boy from another neighborhood wandered into the waters of a Lake Michigan beach and the local rascals pelted him with stones. By all accounts 24-year-old George Stauber threw the rock that ultimately caused 17-year-old Eugene Williams to drown.  When the Chicago Police arrived at the chaotic scene, they arrested a youth who pointed out the assailant. A melee erupted.  It spread over the afternoon and evening into the city streets.

Not much to see here, move on.  Except that the incident set off eight days of deadly rioting across the South Side that ultimately left at least 38 dead and more than 535 treated by local doctors and hospitals or held injured by the police.  Probably additional dead were uncounted and hundreds of the injured did not seek medical help for fear of arrest.  Did I mention that the original victim, Williams, was Black and his attackers were all White.  

 

 Violence spilled from the 29th Street Beach over this pedestrian overpass and rapidly spread through the South Side.

In the midst of one of the city’s suffocating heat waves on July 27 the Chicago Race Riot of 1919 was off and running.  That term can be confusing because to modern ears it evokes the bloody uprisings of despair of the 1960s and ‘70s when enraged Blacks in Chicago and other major cities fought police and often burned down their own neighborhoods.  But in 1919 the rioters were mostly White mobs roaming the streets and indiscriminately attacking Black men, women, and children they encountered; burning Black residences, schools, and churches; and looting not only Black businesses, but white-owned shops and stores that sold to them.  

 

The Chicago Defender, the city's Black newspaper of record reported more accurately on the events than the downtown dailies while trying to calm the situation. 

Here and there Blacks individually and in small groups fought backnotably ex-Doughboys back from France—sometimes with gunfire.  But the statistics of the known victims tell the tale.  Thirty-eight people were killed—23 Black and 15 white with some Whites likely the victims of their own indiscriminate fire. 537 were officially reported wounded, with 2/3 injured being Black.  The 1000 to 2000 who lost their homes to arson and frenzied demolition were virtually all Black.  Hundreds were arrested by the Police or held by the Illinois National Guard after it was finally mobilized.  The records are incomplete but the majority of those were also Black.  In fact, Police often turned a blind eye to racial attacks and sometimes joined them.

 

Stoning a Black victim to death.  The man with the raised arm is in what looks like a Chicago Fire Department uniform.  

1919 was another one of those pivotal years in American history, a paradigm shift.  World War I was over and “a million men in khaki suits” were returning home to a devastating post war recession and high unemployment.  Around the world revolution was in the air while at home a massive strike wave that included a national steel strike, coal mining wars, and the defiant radicalism of the energized Industrial Workers of the World actions out West in the lumber, metal mining, and agricultural industries.  War-time anti-labor actions pivoted into a full-blown Red Scare with nationwide raids, mass arrests, show trials, and incarcerations. Temporary war-time prohibition was becoming permanent under the 18th Amendment to the Constitution and the enabling Volstead Act

On the other hand, 19th Amendment for womens suffrage passed both houses of Congress and was in the process of being ratified in the States and empowered women were ditching cumbersome, heavy garments for clothes they could move comfortably in.   And Black culture was beginning to go mainstream as jass or jazz escaped New Orleans to Chicago and the New York stage.

But things were particularly bleak for African-Americans.  Hope had been high that the service of Blacks in the War to End All Wars and on the home front would earn respect and gratitude which would improve their daily lives and prospects.  Hundreds of thousands had escaped the Jim Crow South to the major northern industrial cities to work in defense and other heavy industry in a movement known as the Great Migration.  Now, with unemployment raging white workers saw Blacks as job thieves who undercut wages.  Blacks had also been used as strikebreakers.  Tensions were on the rise.

Meanwhile in the South Black veterans were seen as threat to the Jim Crow system of White supremacy.  The new Ku Klux Klan that arose in the afterglow of the 1914 release of D.W. Griffiths The Birth of a Nation and other secret night riders were spreading widely.  Lynchings surged including executions of Black veterans still in uniform. 

In what became known as the Red Summer, race riots erupted in more than 25 cities including Indianapolis, Indiana and Washington, DC.  While the Chicago riot lasted the longest and did by far the most property damage, Blacks in the South suffered even greater losses, often with scant attention by the press.

 

An Omaha lynch mob gleefully posed with the burning body of their victim in one of the many Red Summer riots. 

A mob led by White sailors in Charleston, South Carolina killed five blacks including a respected doctor who tried to defend himself with a handgun and another died later.  A White race riot in Longview, Texas led to the deaths of at least four men and destroyed the Black neighborhood in town. Local police in Bisbee, Arizona attacked Buffalo Soldier troops of 10th U.S. Cavalry in the Battle of Brewery Gulch. In Norfolk, Virginia a mob attacked a homecoming party for Black veterans.  In Knoxville, Tennessee a lynch mob stormed the courthouse then they attacked the African-American business district, where they fought business owners, leaving at least seven dead and wounding more than 20 people.  In Omaha, Nebraska another lynch mob attacked a jail, seized Will Brown, hanged him, and burned his body before attacking Black neighborhoods and stores on the north side.

Worst of all a meeting of Black sharecroppers trying to form a union near tiny Elain, Arkansas was attacked by armed mob of hundreds of whites who hunted and killed over 100 Black men and women over two days.  Then 79 surviving Blacks were tried and convicted by all-white juries, and 12 were sentenced to death for murder.  Only the Supreme Courts ultimate reversal of the convictions for denial of due process saved their lives.  No White attacker was ever charged with anything.

Red Summer indeed.

 

 A Tribune map marked flashpoint of the riots.

In Chicago the White rampage was largely led by Irish gangs from Bridgeport including the politically clout-heavy Hamburg Athletic Club which included 19-year-old Richard J. Daley who was the group’s president.  Another gang, Ragens Colts, donned blackface and set fire to Lithuanian and Polish homes in the Back of the Yards neighborhood in a deliberate attempt to incite the immigrant community to join the riots.

Black-owned Providence Hospital, which was caring for many victims, was threatened by the mob but was turned aside by Chicago Police.  In other instances, the police stood aside as mobs prevented the Fire Department from responding to arson fires and some officers actually joined attacks on isolated individuals.  Street cars were targeted, and Black riders pulled off and beaten even in the Loop, miles north of the main unrest.

 

                            Chicago Mayor William Hale (Big Bill) Thompson let the rioting go on for days before he was forced to accept National Guard troops.

Republican Mayor William Hale Thompson engaged in a game of brinksmanship with Illinois Governor Frank Lowden.  Thompson refused to ask Lowden to send in the Illinois National Guard for four days and gave the impression that he generally supported White rioters as “defenders of their homes.” Lowden had already called up the 11th Illinois Infantry Regiment and its machine gun company, as well as the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reserve militia totaling 3,500 men and they were waiting in armories.  Lowden had to appeal to President Woodrow Wilson to put pressure on Thompson before he could finally put the troops on the streets.

 

A Black veteran sergeant outranked the young National Guardsman he confronted.  

The Cook County Sheriff also hastily deputized 3,000 recently discharged volunteer white veterans who were haphazardly deployed and undisciplined.  Guardsmen were deployed to protect Black property and lives and to keep the two sides separate.  It took four days to fully restore order.

In the wake of the unrest, Lowden launched a special blue-ribbon investigation and other inquiries were led by the Coroners office.  States Attorney Maclay Hoyne only brought accused Black rioters to a Grand Jury which rebelled and refused to issue indictments until at least some White rioters were brought before it.  A Cook County judge scolded the Police Department for only bringing charges against Blacks, “I want to explain to you officers that these colored people could not have been rioting among themselves. Bring me some white prisoners.”

The ugly legacy of the riots was a hardening racial division in the city.  Both Blacks and Whites sought protection in segregated neighborhoods.  Over the years the South Side Black Belt expanded block-by-block resulting in White flight with real estate speculators roiling the pot to make fast killings.  Mayor Daley would use massive housing developments and expressways to isolate and contain the Black communities, including those which had spread to the West Side.  Poverty festered in those communities leading directly to the riots of the ‘60s and ‘70s.

For decades there was a semi-official policy of forgetting the 1919 riots.  Outside of the Black community, few whites ever encountered much more than a veiled mention of the events.  No monuments to the dead were erected, no municipal commemorations held.  The DuSable Museum of African American History and the Chicago History Museum (formerly the Chicago Historical Society Museum) have had exhibits, but people had to seek them out.

 

With a new Black Mayor, Lori Lightfoot official recognition of the 100th anniversary was finally undertaken in 2019.  Events included a special exhibition at the Newberry Library including photos captured by Japanese American photographer Jun Fujita during the riots along with a timeline of the violence, and an interactive map of the 38 known deaths

Sunday, July 27, 2025

One Week from Hell in Chicago —The Race Riots of 1919

 

 

A Chicago Tribune cartoon published while the 1919 riots were still raging depicts the flashpoint at the 29th Street Beach.

It began over 100 years ago with what might, under other circumstances, have been passed off teenage rough house when a boy from another neighborhood wandered into the waters of a Lake Michigan beach and the local rascals pelted him with stones. By all accounts 24 year-old George Stauber threw the rock that ultimately caused 17-year-old Eugene Williams to drown.  When the Chicago Police arrived at the chaotic scene they arrested a youth who pointed out the assailant. A melee erupted.  It spread over the afternoon and evening into the city streets.

Not much to see here, move on.  Except that the incident set off eight days of deadly rioting across the South Side that ultimately left at least 38 dead and more than 535 treated by local doctors and hospitals or held injured by the police.  Probably additional dead were uncounted and hundreds of the injured did not seek medical help for fear of arrest.  Did I mention that the original victim, Williams, was Black and his attackers were all White.  

 

 Violence spilled from the 29th Street Beach over this pedestrian overpass and rapidly spread through the South Side.

In the midst of one of the city’s suffocating heat waves on July 27 the Chicago Race Riot of 1919 was off and running.  That term can be confusing because to modern ears it evokes the bloody uprisings of despair of the 1960s and ‘70s when enraged Blacks in Chicago and other major cities fought police and often burned down their own neighborhoods.  But in 1919 the rioters were mostly White mobs roaming the streets and indiscriminately attacking  Black men, women, and children they encountered; burning Black residences, schools, and churches; and looting not only Black businesses, but white-owned shops and stores that sold to them.  

 

The Chicago Defender, the city's Black newspaper of record reported more accurately on the events than the downtown dailies while trying to calm the situation. 

Here and there Blacks individually and in small groups fought backnotably ex-Doughboys back from France—sometimes with gunfire.  But the statistics of the known victims tell the tale.  Thirty-eight people were killed—23 Black and 15 white with some Whites likely the victims of their own indiscriminate fire. 537 were officially reported wounded, with 2/3 injured being Black.  The 1000 to 2000 who lost their homes to arson and frenzied demolition were virtually all Black.  Hundreds were arrested by the Police or held by the Illinois National Guard after it was finally mobilized.  The records are incomplete but the majority of those were also Black.  In fact, Police often turned a blind eye to racial attacks and sometimes joined them.

 

Stoning a Black victim to death.  The man with the raised arm is in what looks like a Chicago Fire Department uniform.  

1919 was another one of those pivotal years in American history, a paradigm shift.  World War I was over and “a million men in khaki suits” were returning home to a devastating post war recession and high unemployment.  Around the world revolution was in the air while at home a massive strike wave that included a national steel strike, coal mining wars, and the defiant radicalism of the energized Industrial Workers of the World actions out West in the lumber, metal mining, and agricultural industries.  War-time anti-labor actions pivoted into a full blown Red Scare with nationwide raids, mass arrests, show trials, and incarcerations. Temporary war-time prohibition was becoming permanent under the 18th Amendment to the Constitution and the enabling Volstead Act. 

On the other hand, 19th Amendment for womens suffrage passed both houses of Congress and was in the process of being ratified in the States and empowered women were ditching cumbersome, heavy garments for clothes they could move comfortably in.   And Black culture was beginning to go mainstream as jass or jazz escaped New Orleans to Chicago and the New York stage.

But things were particularly bleak for African-Americans.  Hope had been high that the service of Blacks in the War to End All Wars and on the home front would earn respect and gratitude which would improve their daily lives and prospects.  Hundreds of thousands had escaped the Jim Crow South to the major northern industrial cities to work in defense and other heavy industry in a movement known as the Great Migration.  Now, with unemployment raging white workers saw Blacks as job thieves who undercut wages.  Blacks had also been used as strikebreakers.  Tensions were on the rise.

Meanwhile in the South Black veterans were seen as threat to the Jim Crow system of White supremacy.  The new Ku Klux Klan that arose in the afterglow of the 1914 release of D.W. Griffiths The Birth of a Nation and other secret night riders were spreading widely.  Lynchings surged including executions of Black veterans still in uniform. 

In what became known as the Red Summer, race riots erupted in more than 25 cities including Indianapolis, Indiana and Washington, DC.  While the Chicago riot lasted the longest and did by far the most property damage, Blacks in the South suffered even greater losses, often with scant attention by the press.

 

An Omaha lynch mob gleefully posed with the burning body of their victim in one of the many Red Summer riots. 

A mob led by White sailors in Charleston, South Carolina killed five blacks including a respected doctor who tried to defend himself with a handgun and another died later.  A white race riot in Longview, Texas led to the deaths of at least four men and destroyed the Black neighborhood in town. Local police in Bisbee, Arizona attacked Buffalo Soldier troops of 10th U.S. Cavalry in the Battle of Brewery Gulch. In Norfolk, Virginia a mob attacked a homecoming party for Black veterans.  In Knoxville, Tennessee a lynch mob stormed the courthouse then they attacked the African-American business district, where they fought business owners, leaving at least seven dead and wounding more than 20 people.  In Omaha, Nebraska another lynch mob attacked a jail, seized Will Brown, hanged him, and burned his body before attacking Black neighborhoods and stores on the north side.

Worst of all a meeting of Black sharecroppers trying to form a union near tiny Elain, Arkansas was attacked by armed mob of hundreds of whites who hunted and killed over 100 Black men and women over two days.  Then 79 surviving Blacks were tried and convicted by all-white juries, and 12 were sentenced to death for murder.  Only the Supreme Courts ultimate reversal of the convictions for denial of due process saved their lives.  No White attacker was ever charged with anything.

Red Summer indeed.

 

 A Tribune map marked flashpoint of the riots.

In Chicago the White rampage was largely led by Irish gangs from Bridgeport including the politically clout-heavy Hamburg Athletic Club which included 19-year-old Richard J. Daley who was the group’s president.  Another gang, Ragens Colts, donned in blackface and set fire to Lithuanian and Polish homes in the Back of the Yards neighborhood in a deliberate attempt to incite the immigrant community to join the riots.

Black-owned Providence Hospital, which was caring for many victims, was threatened by the mob but was turned aside by Chicago Police.  In other instances, the police stood aside as mobs prevented the Fire Department from responding to arson fires and some officers actually joined attacks on isolated individuals.  Street cars were targeted, and Black riders pulled off and beaten even in the Loop, miles north of the main unrest.

 

                            Chicago Mayor William Hale (Big Bill) Thompson let the rioting go on for days before he was forced to accept National Guard troops.

Republican Mayor William Hale Thompson engaged in a game of brinksmanship with Illinois Governor Frank Lowden.  Thompson refused to ask Lowden to send in the Illinois National Guard for four days and gave the impression that he generally supported White rioters as “defenders of their homes.” Lowden had already called up the 11th Illinois Infantry Regiment and its machine gun company, as well as the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reserve militia totaling 3,500 men and they were waiting in armories.  Lowden had to appeal to President Woodrow Wilson to put pressure on Thompson before he could finally put the troops on the streets.

 

A Black veteran sergeant outranked the young National Guardsman he confronted.  

The Cook County Sheriff also hastily deputized 3,000 recently discharged volunteer white veterans who were haphazardly deployed and undisciplined.  Guardsmen were deployed to protect Black property and lives and to keep the two sides separate.  It took four days to fully restore order.

In the wake of the Lowden launched a special blue-ribbon investigation and other inquiries were led by the Coroners office.  States Attorney Maclay Hoyne only brought accused Black rioters to a Grand Jury which rebelled and refused to issue indictments until at least some White rioters were brought before it.  A Cook County judge scolded the Police Department for only bringing charges against Blacks, “I want to explain to you officers that these colored people could not have been rioting among themselves. Bring me some white prisoners.”

The ugly legacy of the riots was a hardening racial division in the city.  Both Blacks and Whites sought protection in segregated neighborhoods.  Over the years the South Side Black Belt expanded block-by-block resulting in White flight with real estate speculators roiling the pot to make fast killings.  Mayor Daley would use massive housing developments and expressways to isolate and contain the Black communities, including those which had spread to the West Side.  Poverty festered in those communities leading directly to the riots of the ‘60s and ‘70s.

For decades there was a semi-official policy of forgetting the 1919 riots.  Outside of the Black community, few whites ever encountered much more than a veiled mention of the events.  No monuments to the dead were erected, no municipal commemorations held.  The DuSable Museum of African American History and the Chicago History Museum (formerly the Chicago Historical Society Museum) have had exhibits, but people had to seek them out.

 

With a new Black Mayor, Lori Lightfoot official recognition of the 100th anniversary was finally undertaken.  Events included a special exhibition at the Newberry Library including photos captured by Japanese American photographer Jun Fujita during the riots along with a timeline of the violence, and an interactive map of the 38 known deaths.