Niles West High School in the 1960s.
I was a senior that fall at Niles
Township West High School in 1966. It
was a good year for me. I was finding
myself. After arriving from Cheyenne, where
I was something of a pariah as a bookish kid, the year before, I had discovered
that at least in some circles my interests were valued and shared. I had friends. I was active in drama and was cast in good
parts. I had my own allegedly humorous
column The Wind from the West in the
school newspaper and my short stories and poems had been published in the
literary journal Apotheosis. I competed in Forensics.
Outside of school I was part of a
circle of kids from all three schools in the district who were interested in
things like civil rights, the fledgling anti-war movement, and liberal politics. We even had an organization the Liberal Youth
of Niles Township (LYNT)—which I have said before was the wimpiest acronym
ever. I even edited an “underground” newsletter
pompously named The Promethean which
was laboriously produced in the dozens of copies on an ancient and obsolete
chemical bath Photostat my dad had in the basement and then smuggled into the
schools for distribution like Soviet era samizdats.
I was the
only goy in that group. Like the
majority of the students in the district, the others were Jews, mostly very secular. In fact, it was the Jewish culture which
valued books and inquiry that had made me feel so at home in my new
surroundings far from the Wyoming plains and mountains.
I was
also extremely close to some of my teachers who had encouraged me in ways I had
never experienced before, particularly the drama teacher and theater director Ilene
Zelznick, and the gentle English teacher and writing mentor, Richard Gragg.
It was
with some dismay that I learned that a long impasse was leading to a teacher’s
strike.
The Niles
Township District included three large schools, Niles East—the original
campus—West, and the newest building North. The district stretched north from Chicago
and west of Evanston and encompassed wealthy enclaves like Lincolnwood, working
class areas like Morton Grove and portions of Skokie where the Chicago bungalow
belt and duplexes bled into the suburbs.
New subdivisions had sprung up along the Edens Expressway and around the
Old Orchard Shopping Center. On the
whole, it was solidly middle-class. The
district was noted for academic excellence.
It compared favorably to the much wealthier North Shore districts like New
Trier. Parents valued education. Teachers were respected and admired.
Despite
this, salaries in the district lagged behind surrounding areas and there were
major clashes with the Board of Education on non-economic issues, especially
what was described as academic freedom. Traditionally contracts had been settled
without a strike. But a new board was
interested in “curbing the power of the union.”
After negotiations dragged on all summer and stalemated, the teachers
voted to strike. I believe it was in
early October.
My
friends and I—indeed most of the students and parents—were solidly behind the
teachers. The day before the strike we
asked union members if we should honor the picket line, or perhaps lead a student
walk-out. We were advised that the best
thing we could do was to go to school.
“The administration has no way to handle you.”
We
decided that we needed to make a more overt display of our support for the
teachers and the union. The night before
the strike, we gathered in my basement.
Someone had a bunch of old 2” printed campaign buttons and I had, thanks
to one of my mother’s charitable projects, a big bagful of little ½” Red Cross
Blood Drive buttons, the kind with a little metal flange that you bent over to
hold them in place on your pocket or lapel. We got jars of green enamel model paint and
set up a kind of assembly line painting each button by hand. The large buttons were lettered, “We support
our Teachers.” The small ones were just
plain green but would be recognized as solidarity.
We also
ginned out a fast issue of The Promethean covering the strike and
urging students to show support. After
working most of the night our members fanned out to the three schools.
We made
sure to get to school early and joined the picket lines, passing out our buttons
to students as they arrived. The
teachers were surprised and delighted.
When the last
bell rang, we went into school. A lot of
students had skipped and some parents kept their kids home, but there were
plenty of us. As the teachers had
predicted, the administrators and clerical staff were overwhelmed. Repeated instructions to go to our homerooms were
ignored. All day long we roamed the
halls pretty much at will. Many
congregated for a while in the cafeteria where we conducted what might have
later been called a Teach-in in support of the teachers. We also discouraged rowdyism or vandalism which
might result—as the administration threatened—in the police being called.
Of
course, that was the last thing the administration wanted. They wanted the community to think that they
had the situation well in hand and that students were somehow magically
continuing to get an education. In fact,
they were willing to retreat into their offices and let us roam at will as long
as we did not actively riot.
At the
end of the school day, we re-joined the teachers on the picket line, which had
also been beefed up by quite a few parents.
They were glad to see students leaving the building with those green
buttons. So glad that overnight the
union obtained more buttons and had them painted for us to pass out as the
strike entered its second day.
The
administration had badly miscalculated.
They thought the community would flock to their side. The opposite was true. But they were not yet ready to back down.
Two or
three days into the strike, I nonchalantly ambled into the District
Administration office, which was located at West and plucked a Board packet off
the counter with materials for a meeting that night. That’s how I discovered that the Board was
going to move to fire all the strikers.
I got the word out to the picket line at lunch. They had heard rumors, but had no proof. Now they had the documents in hand.
That
night the Board meeting was overwhelmed with not only teachers, but parents and
students. Under the law the name of each
teacher to be fired had to be read aloud.
They did not get very far. The
meeting had to be adjourned and the board and administration evacuated under police
protection.
The tactic
backfired. More parents joined the
picket line. Support for the Board collapsed. By the end of the week the strike was settled—on
the teachers’ terms. Labor peace in the
district prevailed until another bone-headed administration triggered another
strike 40 years later in 2006 which played out much the same way.
On a personal
note, not only had I found my first connection to the labor movement, but I
discovered that actions have consequences.
At the end of the school year, I was nominated for a few small scholarships,
$100 or $200 each, for drama, Forensics, and creative writing. The awards were routinely given and administered
by department chairs. But the Principal,
Nicholas T. Manos vetoed them. Citing my
role in the strike, some critical articles in The Promethean and the
school paper, and my open opposition to the Vietnam War, he said that I didn’t deserve
to go to college. “He needs to be
drafted and go into the Army.”
I took my
revenge after graduation. I was a
delegate to the New Politics Convention that met in the summer of 1967 at the Palmer
House in Chicago representing LYNT. In
fact, I was the youngest voting delegate. Every liberal, left, and socialist organization
in the country was there. And they all
had tables where I signed Manos up to receive their literature at his home
address. I knew that mail from some of
those outfits just might interest the FBI.
I
know. I was a rotten kid.