One Shot Blew Up The Negro Fort in Andy Jackson’s Private Racist War

The powder magazine of the Negro Fort explodes killing nearly everyone inside.  Note the fort flies a British ensign and, ironically, the red flag of no quarter.

On July 27, 1816 two United States Navy gun boats opened fire on a small but modern and professionally constructed fort on the Apalachicola River near the Gulf of Mexico.  After wasting a few rounds to find range one of the boats fired a round of hot shot which landed within the walls of the fort on the powder magazine resulting in a thundering explosion that completely destroyed the fort and killed almost all of the 300 defenders, their families, and refugees inside.  That round has been variously called the deadliest cannon shot ever fired by the Navy or by any U.S. armed force.  Perhaps, although it is likely that one of the huge explosive shells fired from the naval rifles of the great 20th Century battle ships was at least as deadly but in the heat of multiple salvo battles we may never know.  Suffice it to say it was a hell of a blast.

But you, the alert history reader, may well wonder: just who the United States was at war with in 1816, a year and a half after the end of the War of 1812?  The answer is…no one.  The new nation was theoretically at peace with the world.  And therein lies the tale.

Perhaps it will make more sense to you if I say that those holding the fort were an unofficial but trained Black militia, recently escaped slaves from both Spanish Florida and plantations in southern Georgia, and a few dozen Native Americans under a Choctaw chief whose name has been lost to history.  Those natives were from the people becoming known as the Seminole, a tribe or nation in the making consisting of members of small Florida tribes persecuted by the Spanish, and elements of the Creek and Choctaw who fled to Spanish territories after the defeat of the Red Stick Creek by General Andrew Jackson at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend in 1814.  Those Black refugee slaves were also becoming assimilated into the new, still very informally organized tribe. 

When you understand the target, it is clear why no declaration of war was necessary to be as aggressive a commander as Andy Jackson.

The Spanish had mostly abandoned the Florida panhandle militarily, although not their sovereign claim to it, after Jackson’s American Army captured Pensacola and garrisoned Mobile in November 1814.

Meanwhile the British had were active in west Florida ostensibly in defense of their Spanish allies and in their own interests.  They hoped arm the Creeks and elements of other southern tribes to engage in raiding and irregular warfare against American settlers in Alabama and Georgia matching the frontier warfare they were supporting from Upstate New York, through western Pennsylvania, Ohio territory and into Kentucky and Tennessee. 

In August 1814, a force of over 100 officers and men led by Lieutenant Colonel Edward Nicolls of the Royal Marines was sent into the region to arm, aid, and train native auxiliaries.  He established the English Post at Prospect Bluff, 15 miles above the mouth of the Apalachicola and 60 miles south of the Georgia line.  There he built a substantial fort to European field standards of earth works, redoubts, and palisades with gun platforms for several cannons.  He had no trouble recruiting native allies or beginning to launch raids across the border in Georgia. 

Black troops of the Corps of Colonial Marines drilling.  Those at the English Fort may not have been so completely uniformed, but they were well trained.

But he also found large numbers of escaped slaves.  As was British policy during the war with the Americans, he offered official freedom for enlisting in armed service.  He organized several hundred volunteers into four companies of the Corps of Colonial Marines who he drilled and trained as infantry.  Although the Colonial Marines were not deployed in active combat, word of their existence spread like wildfire across Georgia slave quarters encouraging yet more runaways to seek the protection of the fort.  Georgia planters were naturally furious, but as long as Jackson’s army was away defending New Orleans they were mostly powerless to do anything about it.

In November a rag-tag expedition of barely trained Mississippi militia and allied Choctaw and Chickasaw irregulars were sent to the region to disrupt the cross border raiding and scare off runaways.  Under Army Major Uriah Blue the 1000 man force floundered in unfamiliar territory and retreated to Fort Montgomery west of Pensacola without either discovering the location of English Post or making contact with the enemy.

Unknown to everyone, a peace treaty already had been signed in Ghent in December officially ending the war.  Word did not reach the region until well after Jackson soundly whipped a British invasion force at New Orleans on January 8.    When word finally arrived Col. Nicolls had to abandon his fort in keeping with the terms of the treaty.  He paid off the Colonial Marines but pointedly let them keep their weapons.  Not only that, he left behind the garrison’s cannon and a well stocked magazine. Clearly the British were up to some mischief and hoped that harassment of American settlements would continue as well as slave escapes which threatened the economy of the region.

The former Black militia took possession of the fort under the leadership of a former slave named Garson and that un-named Choctaw chief.  They launched new raids into Georgia and more runaways flocked to the protection of the fort, which now existed in virtual independence of any national control—Spanish, British, or American.

Jackson soon turned his attention to Florida and shifted much of his army to Mobile and other posts near the Spanish possessions.  Georgia planters were officially petitioning the government for relief and punitive expeditions into the Spanish territories.  Jackson, chomping at the bit, pressured Washington for permission to strike. 

Meanwhile in September of 1815 veteran American Indian Agent Benjamin Hawkins organized a small force of loyal Creek to attack what was now being called the Negro Fort.  Garson and his men from their well defended position were easily able to repel an assault by an inferior force.  The victory may have given the defenders a false sense of their own power but it also emboldened them to step up raids.  Slaves continued to seek refuge.

The Black and Native defenders of the Negro Fort watch the approach of U.S. Navy gun boats.  Their inexperienced cannon fire would be useless against the boats.

To protect the settlers the Army built Fort Scott on the west bank of the Flint River in the southern Georgia in early 1816.  But it was almost impossible to provision the post overland trough Georgia.  The quickest route was up the Apalachicola from the Gulf but required trespass on officially Spanish territory.  On July 17 Navy boats attempted to pass Negro Fort with supplies and were fired on by cannon.  Four escorting soldiers were killed, and the boats turned back.  This was likely the exact result Jackson hoped for—it provided an excuse to attack the fort in retaliation for “hostile fire.”

A few days later Jackson ordered Brigadier General Edmund P. Gaines at Fort Scott to destroy the Negro Fort.  He dispatched a force of several hundred mostly Volunteer troops with a sizable contingent of Creeks who were involved in a tribal civil war with their cousins who had fallen in with the Seminole.  This force attacked from the north and engaged in a couple of days of skirmishing with Black and native forces from the fort before closing in for an attack under the immediate command of Lieutenant Colonel Duncan Clinch.  To counter the Fort’s advantage in artillery, a naval force including two gun boats under the command of Sailing Master Jarius Loomis would lend support from the river.

Hot fire was exchanged for much of the July 27.  Several times Garson was called on to surrender.  Shouts of “Give me Liberty or give me Death” were heard several times from behind the fortifications.  At some point Garson defiantly ran up the English flag and a red flag symbolizing no quarter given in response.  This was a critical mistake for two reasons.  First, fort could expect no protection of the long gone British but by displaying the flag they gave Jackson an excuse that it was evidence the British were still actively meddling and sponsoring the raids into Georgia.  Second, besiegers, not the besieged traditionally hoisted the no quarter banner after their calls to surrender were refused.  Jackson would argue it was evidence that the “bloodthirsty Blacks and savages” inside were bent on massacre.

Only about a third of the fort’s active defenders were trained and armed veterans of the Colonial Marine force.  The rest were haphazardly armed and untrained escaped slaves, and native warriors unused to fighting on the defense behind walls.  None were experienced gunners.  Their fire from the post’s cannon mostly sailed harmlessly over the heads of the attacking forces.  When the Navy flotilla noticed this Loomis moved his two gunboats up into close range and began to zero in on the fort with their bow mounted gungs.  Then the lucky hot shot and the battle was instantly over.

Only 30 of the more than 300 in the fort survived, most of them grievously wounded.  That included Garson and that nameless chief.  The Americans promptly shot Garson for supposed atrocities committed in the Georgia raids.  The Chief was handed over to the Creek allies who hacked him to death and scalped him.  Black survivors were sent to slavery in Georgia.  Some natives and Black allies who hid in the forests during the battle managed to flee east where they joined other bands of Seminole.

Under the terms of their enlistment the Creek were allowed to loot the ruins of the fort.  They took home an impressive haul of 2,500 muskets, 50 carbines, 400 pistols, and 500 swords.  Even without powder and shot this gave that faction of the Creek an enormous arms advantage over their rivals and increased their regional power. 

The former Red Stick Creek were forced deeper into the Florida peninsula where they became the dominant element of the Seminole nation.

A Topographical Engineers map show Fort Gadsen which Jackson ordered built in 1818 and the footprint of the destroyed Negro Fort just behind it.

For an action so relatively obscure in American history the brief Battle of Negro Fort had dire immediate consequences.  Bitterness over this battle led directly to the outbreak of the First Seminole War a year later.  The three Seminole Wars would drag on for nearly three decades and become an embarrassing debacle for the Regular Army.

A diplomatic crisis erupted when the Spanish, quite naturally, vociferously objected to the blatant encroachment on their internationally recognized sovereign territory.  Although the Spanish, bled dry from long years of fighting on their soil during the Napoleonic Wars, were in no position to retaliate militarily the brouhaha threatened delicate negotiations over the undefined Texas/Louisiana border.  Moreover, it complicated relations with Spanish ally Britain at a time when several important and contentious issues remained including finishing British evacuation of forts and trading posts in the Great Lakes and upper Mississippi region as well as getting clear title for what Jackson had already stolen.

After victory at New Orleans General Andrew Jackson moved into Spanish East Florida itching for a fight.

President Monroe’s Secretary of State John Quincy Adams had to act nimbly on the issue.  He was also under pressure from Senators and Congressmen from New England and other Northern States worried that Andrew Jackson’s later unilateral seizure of Florida leading to an expansion of Slave power.  They demanded Jackson be court martialed for violating his orders and insubordination in ordering operations on Spanish soil and attacking the Negro Fort.

Adams ultimately vindicated Jackson arguing the attack and subsequent seizure of Spanish Florida was a national self-defense response to alleged Spanish and British complicity in fomenting the “Indian and Negro War.” Adams even produced a letter from a Georgia planter complaining “brigand Negroes [made] this neighborhood extremely dangerous to a population like ours.”

Jackson thus escaped the threat of court martial but fumed that his honor had been impugned and somehow blamed Adams, who had saved his fat from the fire, for being behind a plot to ruin him.  Jackson plotted revenge and challenged Adams, the heir apparent to Monroe in the Presidential Election of 1824.  He lost that multi-candidate election but blamed Adams for striking a corrupt bargain with Henry Clay to win election in a vote in the House of Representatives after failing to get a majority of Electoral College votes.  Four years later Jackson defeated the sitting President in a stunning political revolution.

                         John Quincy Adams as Secretary of State.

Thus the obscure battle can be said to have led directly to the destruction of the so-called Era of Good Feelings and the National Republican Party that had developed from the old Jeffersonian Republicans.  It led to the rise of a new two party system represented by Jackson’s Democrats and the shaky political coalition called the Whigs. And it ushered in decades of increasing sectional division over the expansion of slavery.

Meanwhile Adams as Secretary of State managed to coerce the Spanish into acceding to a fait accompli and cede East Florida to the United States in the 1821 Adams-Onís Treaty.  Jackson was appointed Military Commissioner—de facto governor—and a year later West and East Florida were merged into the new Territory of Florida. 

The new territory remained under and sparsely populated largely due to the seemingly endless quagmire of the Seminole Wars and the tropical diseases rampant in the wet semi-tropical climate.   As new Englanders feared, Florida was finally admitted to the Union in 1845 as a slave state shortly before the outbreak of the Third and final Seminole War.

And what about all those nameless Black and Native dead at Negro Fort?  Well, what about ‘em?

 

The Long Pursuit of Apache Chief Victorio Ends in Mexico

The Apache war chief known as Victorio went by many names.  The one we remember him by was given to him by his most hated enemies--the Mexicans.  He probably never used it for himself.

 

The Apache leader Victorio may not be as well-known as his contemporaries Cochise and Geronimo, largely because when he was conducting his most famous campaigns against the U.S. and Mexican Armies in sparsely populated and inhospitable regions on both sides of the border the attention of the nation was riveted on the larger wars with the Sioux, Cheyenne, and other tribes on the northern plains.  But he was a wily and dangerous warrior who ran circles around the troops that pursued him for years.  Until fate caught up with him.

Victorio’s origins are murky, and what we know or think we know is based on sometimes conflicting oral accounts from various Apache bands.  His tribal name was Bidu-ya or Beduiat.  Victorio was a name given him by his hated Mexican enemies.  Most sources say he was born around 1825 in the rugged mountains of what was then the Mexican state of Nuevo Mexico.  Other sources claim he was born as early as 1809.

Victorio's fierce sister, a warrior in her own right.  He called her "The Shield of the People."  She died of Tuberculosis as a prisoner.

Even his tribal affiliations, which shifted with kinship relations and various bands merging and diverging over time, are confused.  He was most likely born a member of the Chihenne sometimes called the Mimbreño division of the central Apaches, which had kinship relations with the Navaho who gave him yet another name which translates as Man Who Checks His Horses.  He had a sister or half-sister named Lozen or Dexterous Horse Thief who was born about 1840 and became a female warrior, seer and sorceress, and advisor to Vittorio who called her the “shield of the people.”

Some sources identified him as a Chiricahua, a division of the Apaches with which he was often allied and sometimes rode with.  This is probably due to ignorance of the complex clan, band, and tribal relations among the Apache.

By the early 1850’s Victorio was known to be traveling and fighting with the great Apache chief Mangus Coloradas in his wars against the old pueblos and new American settlements of what was by then American New Mexico Territory.  Kit Carson was one of the New Mexico militia leaders who did battle with the hostile Apache.  Among the other younger leaders in this war were Geronimo, Cochise, and Nana.  Victorio was one of Mangus Coloradas’s favorites and, apparently his son in law.

Victorio firs appeared to history as one of Mangas Coloradas's war band leaders along with Cochise and Geronimo.  He may have been married to a daughter or even an adopted son. 

What Victorio’s exact role was during this time is also unclear.  The U.S. Army identified him as a chief in 1853 and Victorio put his mark on at least one official document with that designation.  But the army was unclear on the differences between war band leaders and tribal chiefs with broader authority and responsibilities with the various bands and clans.  Victorio may or may not have been both at this time.

We do know that he became, probably by assignment from Mangus Coloradas, the leader of a large war band of mixed Chihenne and Mescaleros whose civil chief was his brother-in-law known as Caballero.

After Mangus Coloradas was captured under a flag of truce at an 1863 parlay with the Army and subsequently murdered, Victorio became acknowledged leader of the Chihenne and acted as a sub-chief to Cochise in a long guerrilla war that lasted until 1872, when Cochise surrendered and agreed to let his people be put on reservations.

Victorio followed his leader’s example.  But over the next few years he and his band were put on least three different reservations, some more than once, despite his band’s request to live on traditional lands.  He found himself for the second time on the desolate San Carlos Reservation in Arizona, a barren desert where summer temperatures were regularly above 110̊, where there was no game, and farming was impossible.  His people were starving.  In 1879 he led his people off the reservation and headed back to his traditional territory. 

Victorio was relentlessly pursued by the 9th Cavalry, a Buffalo Soldier regiment seen here at Ft. Davis in Arizona in 1875 on dress parade with seldom worn helmets.

He and his band were now official renegades. Victorio’s War was on.  He and his 170 followers, later modestly reinforced by volunteers from other bands fed up with reservation life, were pursued by the Buffalo Soldiers of the 9th and 10th Cavalry across broad swaths of the border lands from New Mexico to west Texas.  Victorio raided isolated ranches, attacked wagon and baggage trains and skirmished with the Army while trying to avoid big engagements.  As the war went on Victorio’s fury grew and he took to torturing and mutilating prisoners creating a fearsome reputation and spreading panic. 

On September 16 at Las Animas Canyon in the Black Range Mountains of two companies of the 9th were ambushed and trapped by Victorio's warriors. They were rescued by the arrival of two additional companies and after a day of fighting, the soldiers broke off the engagement. Five soldiers, three scouts and thirty-two horses lay dead.

Victorio would slip across the Rio Grande to elude troops and raid his traditional enemies, the Mexicans.  His band ambushed and killed 15 vaqueros looking for cattle thieves and a second party of equal size sent to look for the first near the village of Carrizal, Chihuahua.  The Mexican Army joined in the pursuit and chased Victorio back to the river.  In the beginning of rare cooperation, the Mexicans telegraphed American headquarters that they were chasing Victorio and he was expected to cross the border into Texas.

From January to May 1880 troopers from the 9th engaged in numerous skirmishes with members of Victorio’s band.  Many engagements were no more than a quick exchange of gunfire between scouts and hit-and-run ambushes.  But sometimes Victorio would pin down an isolated patrol and a fight could last hours or days until the troopers were rescued.

In April, 1880, Victorio was credited with leading the Alma Massacre, a raid on settler homesteads around Alma, New Mexico. The warriors were finally driven off with the arrival of American soldiers from Fort Bayard.  Victorio continued his campaign with a rare attack on Fort Tularosa. In May the Texas based 10th Cavalry assumed the main task of battling Victorio.  Colonel Grierson devised a new strategy—instead of fruitlessly chasing the hostiles, he positioned troops at mountain passes and river fords likely to be used by Victorio in hopes of ambushing him.

On September 6 the trap almost worked at Rattlesnake Springs, Texas where troopers hid and surrounded a fresh water spring desperately needed by Victorio’s parched band.  Although he detected a trap, Victorio was so desperate for water that he made several attempts to reach the springs and also attacked an Army baggage train on the way to supply the troops.  Each time he was beaten back and finally had to give up the effort, retreating without water and the troops in pursuit.

Three days later troopers stumbled on Victorio’s main camp. After a skirmish with guards, the troopers captured 25 head of cattle and other supplies.  On September 11 two companies made contact with Victorio’s main band and went in hard pursuit.  But the Apaches were able to get across the Rio Grande before they could be captured.

At the rare invitation of the Mexican government, 10 companies of the 10th were allowed to enter Mexico and were stationed along the south bank of the River to keep Victorio from crossing back into Texas.  Scouts from the 10th and Mexican forces located him on October 4, but kept their distance, monitoring his movements.

On October 9, the Mexican government told the US Army that their presence was no longer necessary.  The 10th re-crossed the Rio Grande under protest.  Colonel Grierson appealed to Army Commanding General Phil Sheridan in Washington for permission to return over the objection of Mexico.  Sheridan refused.

Colonel Jaoqui Terraza, the Mexican officer who hunted down Victorio's band and effectively wiped them out at the Tres Castillos Massacre.

The Mexicans, knowing that the US Army orders were to “capture if possible”, wanted a free hand in eradicating their enemy.  On October 15, 1880 Colonel Jaoquin Terraza and his troops surrounded Victorio’s camp and attacked. At the end of what became known as the Tres Castillos Massacre Victorio lay dead, with sixty warriors, and eighteen women and children. Sixty-eight women and children were taken prisoner.

Their husbands and fathers slaughtered, the women and children captured after the Tres Castillos massacre are held by the Mexicans before being turned over to the U.S. Army.  Most would die far away from home in Florida prisons.

As with so much else, exactly how Victorio died is in dispute.  Some claim an Indio scout shot him.  Others believe that the old warrior committed suicide rather than be killed by the Mexicans.

The survivors were rounded up, driven to the border, and dumped on the US Army.  They were exiled to distant reservations in Alabama, then in Florida where they were joined by Geronimo and his followers in 1888, and eventually to Oklahoma.

 

A Single Shot Blew Up The Negro Fort in Andy Jackson’s Private Racist War

The powder magazine of the Negro Fort explodes killing nearly everyone inside.  Note the fort flies a British ensign and, ironically, the red flag of no quarter.

On July 27, 1816 two United States Navy gun boats opened fire on a small but modern and professionally constructed fort on the Apalachicola River near the Gulf of Mexico.  After wasting a few rounds to find range one of the boats fired a round of hot shot which landed with in the walls of the fort on the powder magazine resulting in a thundering explosion that completely destroyed the fort and killed almost all of the 300 defenders, their families, and refugees inside.  That round has been variously called the deadliest cannon shot ever fired by the Navy or by any U.S. armed force.  Perhaps, although it is likely that one the huge explosive shells fired from the naval riffles of the great 20th Century Battle Ships was at least as deadly but in the heat of multiple salvo battles we may never know.  Suffice it to say it was a hell of a blast.

But you, the alert history reader, may well wonder: just who the United States was at war with in 1816, a year and a half after the end of the War of 1812?  The answer is…no one.  The new nation was theoretically at peace with the world.  And therein lies the tale.

Perhaps it will make more sense to you if I say that those holding the fort were an unofficial but trained Black militia, recently escaped slaves from both Spanish Florida and plantations in southern Georgia, and a few dozen Native Americans under a Choctaw chief whose name has been lost to history.  Those natives were from the people becoming known as the Seminole, a tribe or nation in the making consisting of members of small Florida tribes persecuted by the Spanish, and elements of the Creek and Choctaw who fled to Spanish territories after the defeat of the Red Stick Creek by General Andrew Jackson at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend in 1814.  Those Black refugee slaves were also becoming assimilated into the new, still very informally organized tribe. 

When you understand the target, it is clear why no declaration of war was necessary to as aggressive a commander as Andy Jackson.

The Spanish had mostly militarily abandoned the Florida panhandle, although not their sovereign claim to it, after Jackson’s American Army captured Pensacola and garrisoned Mobile in November 1814.

Meanwhile the British had been active in west Florida ostensibly in defense of their Spanish allies and in their own interests.  They hoped arm the Creeks and elements of other southern tribes to engage in raiding and irregular warfare against American settlers in Alabama and Georgia matching the frontier warfare they were supporting from Upstate New York, through western Pennsylvania and into Ohio territory and into Kentucky and Tennessee. 

In August 1814, a force of over 100 officers and men led by Lieutenant Colonel Edward Nicolls of the Royal Marines was sent into the region to arm, aid, and train native auxiliaries.  He established the English Post at Prospect Bluff, 15 miles above the mouth of the Apalachicola and 60 miles south of the Georgia.  There he line built a substantial fort to European field standards of earth works, redoubts, and palisades with gun platforms for several cannon.  He had no trouble recruiting native allies or beginning to launch raids across the border in Georgia. 

Black troops of the Corps of Colonial Marines drilling.  Those at the English Fort may not have been so completely uniformed, but they were well trained.

But he also found large numbers of escaped slaves.  As was British policy during the war with the Americans, he offered official freedom for enlisting in armed service.  He organized several hundred volunteers into four companies of the Corps of Colonial Marines who he drilled and trained as infantry.  Although the Colonial Marines were not deployed in active combat, word of their existence spread like wild fire across Georgia slave quarters encouraging yet more runaways to seek the protection of the fort.  Georgia planters were naturally furious, but as long as Jackson’s army was away defending New Orleans they were mostly powerless to do anything about it.

In November a rag-tag expedition of barely trained Mississippi militia, and allied Choctaw and Chickasaw irregulars were sent to the region to disrupt the cross border raiding and scare off runaways.  Under Army Major Uriah Blue the 1000 man force floundered in unfamiliar territory and retreated to Fort Montgomery west of Pensacola without either discovering the location of English Post or making contact with the enemy.

Unknown to everyone, a peace treaty already had been signed in Ghent in December officially ending the war.  Word did not reach the region until well after Jackson soundly whipped a British invasion force at New Orleans on January 8.    When word finally arrived Col. Nicolls had to abandon his fort in keeping with the terms of the treaty.  He paid off the Colonial Marines but pointedly let them keep their weapons.  Not only that he left behind the garrison’s cannon and a well stocked magazine. Clearly the British were up to some mischief and hoped that harassment of American settlements would continue as well as slave escapes which threatened the economy of the region.

The former Black militia took possession of the fort under the leadership of a former slave named Garson and that un-named Choctaw chief.  They launched new raids into Georgia and more runaways flocked to the protection of the fort, which now existed in virtual independence of any national control—Spanish, British, or American.

Jackson soon turned his attention to Florida and shifted much of his army to Mobile and other posts near the Spanish possessions.  Georgia planters were officially petitioning the government for relief and punitive expeditions into the Spanish territories.  Jackson, chomping at the bit, pressured Washington for permission to strike. 

Meanwhile in September of 1815 veteran American Indian Agent Benjamin Hawkins organized a small force of loyal Creek to attack what was now being called the Negro Fort.  Garson and his men from their well defended position were easily able to repel an assault by an inferior force.  The victory may have given the defenders a false sense of their own power but it also emboldened them to step up raids.  Slaves continued to seek refuge.

To protect the settlers the Army built Fort Scott on the west bank of the Flint River in the southern Georgia in early 1816.  But it was almost impossible to provision the post overland trough Georgia.  The quickest route was up the Apalachicola from the Gulf but required trespass on officially Spanish territory.  On July 17 Navy boats attempted to pass Negro Fort with supplies and were fired on by cannon.  Four escorting soldiers were killed and the boats turned back.  This was likely the exact result Jackson hoped for—it provided an excuse to attack the fort in retaliation to it “hostile fire.”

A few days later Jackson ordered Brigadier General Edmund P. Gaines at Fort Scott to destroy the Negro Fort.  He dispatched a force of several hundred mostly Volunteer troops with a sizable contingent of Creeks who were involved in a tribal civil war with their cousins who had fallen in with the Seminole.  This force attacked from the north and engaged in a couple of days of skirmishing with Black and native forces from the fort before closing in for an attack under the immediate command of Lieutenant Colonel Duncan Clinch.  To counter the Fort’s advantage in artillery a naval force including two gun boats under the command of Sailing Master Jarius Loomis would lend support from the river.

The Black and Native defenders of the Negro Fort watch the approach of U.S. Navy Gun Boats.  Their inexperienced cannon fire would be useless against the boats.

Hot fire was exchanged for much of the July 27.  Several times Garson was called on to surrender.  Shouts of “Give me Liberty or give me Death” were heard several times from behind the fortifications.  At some point Garson defiantly ran up the English flag and a red flag symbolizing no quarter given in response.  This was a critical mistake for two reasons.  First, fort could expect no protection of the long gone British but by displaying the flag they gave Jackson an excuse that it was evidence the British were still actively meddling and sponsoring the raids into Georgia.  Second, besiegers, not the besieged traditionally hoisted the no quarter banner after their calls to surrender were refused.  Jackson would argue it was evidence that the “bloodthirsty Blacks and savages” inside were bent on massacre.

Only about a third of the fort’s active defenders were trained and armed veterans of the Colonial Marine force.  The rest were haphazardly armed and untrained escaped slaves, and native warriors unused to fighting on the defense behind walls.  None were experienced gunners.  Their fire from the post’s cannon mostly sailed harmlessly over the heads of the attacking forces.  When the Navy flotilla noticed this Loomis moved his two gunboats up into close range and began to zero in on the fort with their bow mounted gungs.  Then the lucky hot shot and the battle was instantly over.

Only 30 of the more than 300 in the fort survived, most of them grievously wounded.  That included Garson and that nameless chief.  The Americans promptly shot Garson for supposed atrocities committed in the Georgia raids.  The Chief was handed over to the Creek allies who hacked him to death and scalped him.  Black survivors were sent to slavery in Georgia.  Some natives and Black allies who hid in the forests during the battle managed to flee east where they joined other bands of Seminole.

Under the terms of their enlistment the Creek were allowed to loot the ruins of the fort.  They took home an impressive haul of 2,500 muskets, 50 carbines, 400 pistols, and 500 swords.  Even without powder and shot this gave that faction of the Creek an enormous arms advantage over their rivals and increased their regional power. 

The former Red Stick Creek were forced deeper into the Florida peninsula where they became the dominant element of the Seminole nation.

A Topographical Engineers map show Fort Gadsen which Jackson ordered built in 1818 and the footprint of the destroyed Negro Fort just behind it.

For an action so relatively obscure in American history the brief Battle of Negro Fort had dire immediate consequences.  Bitterness over this battle led directly to the outbreak of the First Seminole War a year later.  The three Seminole Wars would drag on for nearly three decades and become an embarrassing debacle for the Regular Army.

A diplomatic crisis erupted when the Spanish, quite naturally, vociferously objected to the blatant encroachment on their internationally recognized sovereign territory.  Although the Spanish, bled dry from long years of fighting on their soil during the Napoleonic Wars, were in no position to retaliate militarily the brouhaha threatened delicate negotiations over the undefined Texas/Louisiana border.  Moreover it complicated relations with Spanish ally Britain at a time when several important and contentious issues remained including finishing British evacuation of forts and trading posts in the Great Lakes and upper Mississippi region as well as getting clear title for what Jackson had already stolen.

President Monroe’s Secretary of State John Quincy Adams had to act nimbly on the issue.  He was also under pressure from Senators and Congressmen from New England and other Northern States worried that Andrew Jackson’s later unilateral seizure of Florida leading to an expansion of Slave power.  They demanded Jackson be court martialed for violating his orders and insubordination in ordering operations on Spanish soil and attacking the Negro Fort.

After victory at New Orleans General Andrew Jackson moved into Spanish East Florida itching for a fight.

Adams ultimately vindicated Jackson arguing the attack and subsequent seizure of Spanish Florida was a national self-defense response to alleged Spanish and British complicity in fomenting the “Indian and Negro War.” Adams even produced a letter from a Georgia planter complaining “brigand Negroes [made] this neighborhood extremely dangerous to a population like ours.”

Jackson thus escaped the threat of court martial but fumed that his honor had been impugned and somehow blamed Adams, who had saved his fat from the fire, for being behind a plot to ruin him.  Jackson plotted revenge and challenged Adams, the heir apparent to Monroe in the Presidential Election of 1824.  He lost that multi-candidate election but blamed Adams for striking a corrupt bargain with Henry Clay to win election in a vote in the House of Representatives after failing to get a majority of Electoral College votes.  Four years later Jackson defeated the sitting President in a stunning political revolution.

Thus the obscure battle can be said to have led directly to the destruction of the so-called Era of Good Feelings and the National Republican Party that had developed from the old Jeffersonian Republicans.  It led to the rise of a new two party system represented by Jacksons Democrats and the shaky political coalition called the Whigs. And it ushered in decades of increasing sectional division over the expansion of slavery.

John Quincy Adams as Secretary of State.

Meanwhile Adams as Secretary of State managed to coerce the Spanish into acceding to a fait accompli and cede East Florida to the United States in the 1821 Adams-Onís Treaty.  Jackson was appointed Military Commissioner—de facto governor and a year later West and East Florida were merged into the new Territory of Florida. 

The new territory remained under and sparsely populated largely due to the seemingly endless quagmire of the Seminole Wars and the tropical diseases rampant in the wet semi-tropical climate.   As new Englanders feared, Florida was finally admitted to the Union in 1845 as a slave state shortly before the outbreak of the Third and final Seminole War.

And what about all those nameless Black and Native dead at Negro Fort?  Well, what about ‘em?