It is never a good sign when
your national legislature cannot
agree on the name of your country—or
the punctuation of the name. It is a worse sign when the argument gets so
nasty that the world press begins to
mock it as the Hyphen War. It was certainly not a good omen for, as Prince might have constructed it, the Nation Formerly Known as the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.
The nation came into existence in
the tumultuous aftermath of World War I. Its boundaries, as established by the Treaty of Versailles, included the
largely ethnic Czech lands of former
Bohemia and Moravia in the west, and Slovakia
which also encompassed significant areas ethnic Poles to the north and Ruthenia
to the southeast. All of these were
within the border of the former Austro-Hungarian
Empire. Czechs land included a crescent along its western rim which
had a German speaking majority which
included much of the new country’s heavy
industry.
Historically the Czechs had been
administered by the Austrians who
had not interfered with their ethnic
identity. Slovakia and Ruthenia,
however, came to the Empire as part of the Kingdom
of Hungary and continued to be administered by Hungarians who pursued a
vigorous policy of forced Magyarization on their ethnic
minorities. Those regions were also more
agricultural, far less
industrialized and urban than Czech lands.
These differences contributed to strains from the beginning.
But the common cause of independence
allowed the philosophy professor and
Czech nationalist democrat Tomáš Masaryk
to cobble together the Czechoslovak
National Council during the war which eventually was recognized as a government in exile in recognition of
the contributions of volunteer
Czechoslovak Legion units raised to fight the Central Powers in France,
Russia, and Italy. With his enormous prestige Masaryk
was elected president of the new nation, originally named Czecho-Slovakia, and helped create a constitutional, parliamentary democracy.
An opponent of both German nationalism and Soviet Marxism, Masaryk became the beau
ideal in the west of a Central
European democrat. Like many Czechs
he had been raised a Catholic but
had left the faith behind to become a humanist
heavily influenced by his American
Unitarian wife.
Masaryk reflected the sophisticated, cosmopolitan nature of Czech society, especially in the capital of Prague, considered the Paris of Slav lands and the most westernized
capital in Eastern Europe. Moreover, it was prosperous—at the creation of the nation it encompassed more than
80% of the total industrial capacity of the old Hapsburg Empire. And most of
this industrial capacity being far from the front lines of the war was intact. So, the new nation came into existence as one
of the top industrial nations in the
world. Unfortunately, most of the heavy
industry, including steel production, was located in that majority German
crescent and owned largely by German banks
and corporations. The Slovaks lagged far behind in development
and tended to look culturally to the east.
A new constitution, crafted with
Masaryk’s blessing, renamed the nation Czechoslovakia
in 1920. Under it term he was
re-elected three times in 1920, ’27and ’34.
His nation thrived through the
1920’s as neighboring German was ravaged by hyperinflation and unemployment
and the Soviet Union to the east
struggled to recover from a long Civil
War and not always successful experiments in rapid industrialization and a command
economy. Moreover, it fared better than most industrialized nations during
the world-wide Depression of the
‘30’s. He managed to keep the sometimes fractious nation together through 10 changes of ministries before retiring
due to old age and infirmity on December 14, 1935 as Hitler was ominously consolidating his power in Germany. Less than two years later he was dead.
Meanwhile Nazi agents in the
German majority areas were agitating there to destabilize the
Czechoslovakian government. In September
1938 the former Western allies led by Neville
Chamberlain signed the Munich
Agreement with Germany in hopes of mollifying its expansionist
ambitions. This appeasement policy handed over the Bohemian, Moravian and Czech Silesian borderlands called the Sudetenland by Hitler to Germany and
allowed for the Czech minorities there to be forcefully expelled.
With no allies to support it the
Czechoslovakian government was forced to agree to the annexation, but Masaryk’s
hand-picked successor President Edvard
Beneš resigned and fled to London.
A weakened Second Republic, re-named
Czecho-Slovakia was declared, which was soon forced to cede much of southern Slovakia to Hungary and areas of the north to
Poland. The nation continued to unravel.
Slovakia declared its independence in March 1938 and Hitler assumed
control of Czech lands on March 15, 1939 claiming them as the German Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The same day the Carpatho-Ukraine—the former Ruthenia, declared its independence
from Slovakia and was immediately invaded by Hungary which went on to gobble up
adjacent areas of Slovakia.
After 21 years of existence and as
the only Eastern European nation to maintain itself as a functioning and stable
democracy for the whole period, Masaryk’s cherished republic ceased to exist.
There were notable and highly
effective resistance movements in
both the Czech and Slovak regions. But
the Czech resistance looked to London for support and to a Government in Exile headed by Beneš and operated mostly in small, urban
cells. The Slovaks looked to the
Soviets and organized partisan
irregulars who operated in larger units in the rural countryside taking
advantage of the cover of the rugged Carpathians.
The Third Czechoslovakian Republic was declared in April of 1945
following the collapse of Germany. Beneš
returned as President and issued decrees ordering the forced removal of 2.9 million ethnic
Germans. A National Front government was installed led by three socialist or Marxist parties which had dominated the Resistance movements—the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party,
and the Czechoslovak National Socialist
Party with minority representation from non-socialist parties.
By agreement at Yalta, the country
had been liberated by the Red Army who
were greeted as heroic liberators in
all parts of the nation. The Soviets
were soon able to exert practical
control over the country. In spring
elections in 1946 the Communists won a plurality in Czech regions and the anti-communist won an absolute majority
in Slovakia. But the Communists were
able to form a coalition government. Beneš, who had backed anti-communist slates
in both half of the country, remained as president.
In a controversy over whether or not
Czechoslovakia should participate in the Marshall
Plan, which Moscow opposed, in
March 1947 the Communists staged a coup d’état forcing Beneš to dismiss
the government and accept one completely dominated by the Communists. Days later Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk,
likely leader of a democratic movement, and son of the nation’s founder was
found dead in his pajamas in the courtyard of the Foreign Ministry. His death was ruled a suicide, which almost no one believed.
The new Communist dominated National Assembly approved the Ninth-of-May Constitution declaring
Czechoslovakia a People’s
Democracy modeled on the Soviet Union.
Beneš refused to sign the document, resigned on June 7, 1948. Already in poor health following two strokes, he died at his home, under
close watch by the Communists, on September 3 the same year.
Czechoslovakia was soon under the
complete domination of the Soviet Union.
In the 50’s when some leading local Communist figures were suspected of
being too culturally close to the West—including those who had served in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War and who had contact
with the British during the Resistance, scores were arrested and many
leaders were put on Stalinist show
trials. 15 former top leaders were
tried, all convicted and 11 sentenced to death.
Stalinism exerted an iron grasp
on the Czechoslovakian Communists who would last longer and remain stronger
than elsewhere in Eastern Europe.
In 1960 yet another constitution
re-named the country once again to the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Stalinist command economic policies proved
disastrous and from one of the top ten industrial nations in the world,
production plunged to among the lowest levels in Europe. Extremely oppressive monitoring of universities and cultural institutions crushed what had once been a flower in
Europe.
In 1968 a Slovak reformer, Alexander Dubček was elected First Secretary Communist Party on a
program of de-Stalinization. His liberalization
policies were wildly popular and set off a near orgy of suppressed
political and self-expression, most of it hostile to the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact. Dubček refused to retreat
from his position and allowed the Prague
Spring to flourish.
It was too much for Moscow and its
partners. Led by the Soviets, Warsaw
Pact troops from every country except Romania
invaded Czechoslovakia on August 20.
Dubček declared the invasion to be illegal but was quickly arrested and
swooped to Moscow for “deliberations.”
Hardline Slovak Gustáv Husák became First Secretary of the Party and later
President. More than a third of all party
members were purged as
liberals. The regime became even more
repressive and re-emphasized a command economy that crippled some gains earlier
in the decade that had brought Slovak production and incomes to nearly a par
with the Czechs.
When Mikhail Gorbachev initiated his reform policy of perestroika in the USSR in 1987 Husák gave little more than lip service to instituting
liberalizing reform. In fact, he defied
Kremlin directives.
In 1988 long pent-up tensions boiled up in the first large anti-communist action in years at the March 25 Candle Demonstration in Bratislava. As Gorbachev had feared, the repressive regime was ripe for popular rebellion and the USSR signaled it was not going to bail out Husák with a repeat of the 1968 invasion. More demonstrations broke out in Prague on the 20th anniversary of the Soviet invasion and continued into the next year.
On January 16 students in Bratislava
launched mass pro-democracy
demonstrations, joined the next day by Prague students. After heavy police repression the loosely
organized reform Czech dissidents of the movement known as Charter 77 united to become the Civic Forum led by one of the nation’s
most noted intellectuals, the playwright
Václav Havel. A parallel
organization the Public Against Violence
arose in Slovakia. Each shunned the use
of the word party because of its tainted association with the
Communists. Public support for the two
groups swelled to the millions from all levels of society.
The Communist Party, without support
from the Soviet Union and unable to now even rely on its own military, collapsed. President Husák and his puppet Party
Secretary were forced to resign and the party was too weakened to even
offer reformed leadership.
On December 29, 1989 Havel was
elected President by the National Assembly. One of his first actions was to ask to rename
the country the Czechoslovak Republic simply dropping the word Socialist. He did not anticipate that this would be
anyway controversial. After all it was
the name of the country through most of its existence, between 1920 and 1939
and again from 1945 to 1950. So of
course, it was immediately controversial.
The Slovaks now claimed that this
was a slight against their co-equal status. They insisted on hyphenating the name to the Czecho-Slovak Republic or, better yet,
the Czecho-Slovak Federation. They could
also point to the use of this form between 1918 and 1920 and during the German
dominated days of the Second Republic in 1938 and ’39. In retrospect, perhaps they should not have
brought the last example up. But the
amicable Havel was willing to placate Slovak sensitivities in the name
of national unity and quickly agreed to the Czecho-Slovak Republic.
That set off the Czechs who now felt
insulted. With frequent angry debates covered
with ill-disguised glee by the world press, the issue settled into a stalemate
that brought almost all other business before the Assembly to a halt.
On March 29, 1990 the stalemate
seemed broken with the adoption by the Assembly of a compromise name—Czechoslovak Federative Republic. In a nifty trick, the new name was to be
spelled without a hyphen in Czech and with a hyphen in Slovak.
Yet even this solution wasn’t
permanent. The Slovaks came to believe
that the Czechs were insisting that it was a dash, not a hyphen, in the Slovak name. That made a difference
because in both Czech and Slovak grammar
a hyphen represented a connection
between equals while a dash meant something else. This objection is not clear because a dash
and hyphen are represented by different words in Slovakian but by the same
word—pomlčka
in Czech.
Back to the drawing board. On April 20 the name was changed again to the
Czech and Slovak Federative Republic. This time it stuck even though it violated a strict rule in both languages that only
the first word in a multiple word name be capitalized. With linguistic
purists—a strong voice in both nationalist movements—holding their noses
the new name went into effect.
But it did not last long. The bitter
divisions exposed by the Hyphen War continued to fester over more substantial
issues. Effective government was all but
impossible.
In the late 1990s the Federal
Assembly, divided along national lines, barely cooperated enough to pass a law
officially separating the two nations.
On 1 January 1993, the Czech
Republic and Slovakia simultaneously came into existence.
By any spelling Czechoslovakia
ceased to exist.
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