Monday, September 5, 2011

The Summer of ’68 Chicago Style--First of a Series

Note:  This is a slightly longer version of the memoir that was recently published in two parts in The Third City, a blog published by some depraved writers, which has actual readers, which is more than can be said for this pop stand.  There are more installments forthcoming.  Don’t say you haven’t been warned.

It was the summer of 1968.  I was back at the folks’ house in Skokie—for the last time—after my first year at Shimer College and working on the assembly line at air conditioning plant.   It was a time between times, a time of waiting for that thing that would change—I was sure of it—everything.  That “thing” was the Democratic National  Convention in August and the massive street protests that we all knew were coming.

One warm evening I took the Skokie Swift and the El down into the City for a party.  It was my first Chicago party.  People my own age with an apartment of their own in the gritty, mysterious city!  Claire was quite beautiful and brilliant.  She played cello and read French.  We had gone to different Niles Township Highs Schools.  We met in LYNT (Liberal Youth of Niles Township) and worked together on a program about the draft—Uptight About the Draft? inscribed on the flyer in San Francisco psychedelic lettering.  She pushed the rest of us to be more militant.

Now she had the second floor of a two flat on Bissell Street, not far from the Fullerton El.  The building backed up against the tracks.   Trains roared by at eye level to the back porch.  Ramshackle furniture was scattered around.  Posters—Janis Joplin’s peek-a-boo breast and demonstration calls—were tacked to the grimy walls.  There was a hole in the wall in the bathroom and the toilet rocked when you sat on it.  Beautiful. Bohemian. Dangerous.

The apartment was jammed when I got there.  Claire waved at me from across a room, smoking intently and engaged in an animated conversation with a knot of earnest young men. She pointed to a keg in galvanized tub in the kitchen.  I think that was as close to communication with me as she got all evening.
 
I couldn’t blame her. Compared to the sophisticates here, I was sure that I must be something of an embarrassing relic from the past, someone casually invited pro-forma without any expectation that he would actually show up.

My appearance was a combination of naiveté, nerdiness, and an ardent yearning for bohemia.  Black Wellington boots.  Western cut jeans from Monkey Wards where I still shopped for huskies   A frayed white short sleeve dress shirt—my uncle had given me a drawer full of them—past prime salesman crispness, pocket stuffed with pens and an address book stuffed with scrap notes of lofty ideas.  A red bandana knotted to the side of the throat.  The first bloom of an orange goatee, sideburns down to the jaw line.  Hair full behind the ears and just a tad over the collar hoping for Byronic heroism.  Thick horn rim glasses fit for a middle aged accountant from Queens.  All topped off by a dingy white Open Road Stetson, front brim snapped down, sides curled. A symphony in incongruity.

The crowd skewed slightly older than I—college juniors and seniors, a smattering of graduate students, even a sprinkling of  hip young junior professors, the kind who mixed high minded idealism with sleeping with adoring students.  Some had dropped out and were now organizing the masses.  The men could be recognized by their uniform—blue chambray work shirts, sleeves rolled up just below the elbow, jeans, and engineer boots, sometimes a Greek fisherman’s or newsboy cap. The girls wore peasant blouses or loose t-shirts, full skirts with bare legs or jeans, hair long or loosely tied behind the ears, scrubbed faces defiant of make-up.

This was not a crowd of hippies or flower children.  Even amid the flowing alcohol and passed joints there was an air of seriousness, of conspiracy, of danger. Clair’s friends were self described militants, SDS, and Communists.  Some of them, I would latter come to recognize as movement heavies.  Claire herself, in just a couple of years, would ascend to  leadership in a Maoist sect which would briefly hold the official American China franchise, and help litter radical America with vinyl covered Quotations from Chairman Mao, blue People’s Army caps with red stars, and garish red and gold Mao buttons.

That night was the first time I heard the word revolution bandied about as if it were the most natural thing in the world, not something to do with Redcoats and embattled farmers in tri-corn hats, not something that erupted in exotic foreign places like St. Petersburg, but something that we were going to do right here, right now, next week at the latest.

I was telling folks that summer that I was a socialist.  But then I would expound on my firm belief that what American needed was a Fabian Movement of intellectuals that could make socialism respectable to the middle classes.  Mention of this theory in these circles drew only eye rolling, dismissive snorts and long, jargon filled lectures on abandoning bourgeois sentimentality, casting my lot with the proletariat, and recognizing the central role of the vanguard party in creating a real revolution.  Evidently they were less impressed by George Bernard Shaw than by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin.

When they learned that I actually, if only temporarily, worked in a real factory, something that very few, if any, of them had ever actually done, I was sort of patted on the head with an expectation that I would learn about exploitation.  A couple of them asked if I would take red bannered newspapers to work with me and pass them out to my comrades.  I didn’t think that anything with a huge hammer and cycle on it was apt appeal to the hillbillies, Poles, Mexicans and Blacks who sweltered with me on the air conditioning assembly line.

Under the circumstances, I soon drew apart.  I drank scotch, which I believed was the official beverage of the aspiring young writer, and caught a hit on whatever joints might come my way.  And I watched.

I was sitting on a sagging couch, squeezed among strangers acutely into my buzz when a large man with a bushy, bright red beard pulled up a milk crate in front of us and fished a crinkled clipping from his pocket.  “Here,” he said thrusting it a girl sitting on an arm of the sofa, “Can any one tell me who this is?”

When it was passed down to me, I saw a clipping on glossy paper, the photo image sharp.  Probably from a newsmagazine.  In it a portly middle age man in a three piece suit with a receding mop of mildly unruly hair gestured emphatically with one hand and clutching a large mug with the other.  The photo was taken from a low angle, looking up at a platform or stage.

We all studied the picture for a moment, trying to focus our un-focused brains.  A couple of folks thought it might be Alan Ginsberg.  But he had no beard and no one could imagine Ginsberg in a suit.  One, sensing an air of menace in the man’s scowling expression, was sure it was a Republican Senator.  But in the end, we had to give up.

Red Beard waited a moment.  “It’s Norman Mailer!  With the famous cup of bourbon the night before the March on the Pentagon!”

Mailer, I was informed, had taken to the stage and launched into a long, incoherent rant.  The next day he was busted on the march and spent an un-Thoreau like night in jail.  All of this had happened the previous October while I was getting used to being stoned every night at Shimer.  It was news to me.

But I did know Mailer.  Who didn’t. He was one of a handful of American writers who were more famous than their books at a time when serious writers had some of the same air of celebrity about them as movie stars.  In fact these writers seemed to move in the same orbits as movie stars.  Hadn’t Arthur Miller married Marilyn Monroe?  And didn’t Truman Capote, Gore Vidal, and George Plimpton breezily pop up on Johnny Carson’s couch?  And Mailer was bigger than any of them, the most famous American writer since Hemmingway and just as pugnacious.

So I was impressed that Mailer, drunk or not, had thrown his lot in with war protestors and radicals.  I had been vaguely aware that the writer was anti-establishment.  His journalism appeared not only in glossy mainstream magazines but in hipster journals.  Like a lot of folks my age, I had read Why are We in Vietnam? and was a bit perplexed by the connection of a Texas adolescent’s Alaska hunting trip to the title.  I gathered it was an allegory.

But mostly I knew Mailer from my mother’s wide collection of best sellers, mostly in paperback editions.  She prided herself on keeping up with good books.  And in the days when the best seller lists often were dominated by many of the authors destined for admission to the pantheon great American literature, those old, dog eared Pocket Books and Cardinal Editions provided me with a deeper and better education than I ever received in high school English.  F. Scott Fitzgerald, Sinclair Lewis, Edna Ferber, Pearl S. Buck (these older writers in cheap book club hard cover editions), Hemmingway, Steinbeck, Robert Penn Warren, Faulkner, James Jones.

My father’s books were another thing entirely.  Slender pulp genre shoot ‘em ups, heavy on westerns, hard boiled detectives, and war stories. 

But The Naked and the Dead may have been one of the few books both of my folks may have read.  It was serious literature and a rip-snorting yarn, even if it did take more than one night to read.

Of course, I read it, too.  It was one of the books that changed my impression of war from the brutal glory of the old John Wayne movies I saw on TV, to something more personal and ambivalent.  Without The Naked and the Dead, and a handful of other books I might have been swept along by martial enthusiasm for a good ol’ martial crusade in Vietnam.  Certainly my earliest impulses had been in that direction.  But these dusty old paperbacks readied me to view things differently.

That early Mailer, not the current radical, had primed my pump.

Sunday, September 4, 2011

If This is a Depression Where are the Bread Lines?—A Sermon by Patrick Murfin


Times are tough.  You’ve probably noticed.  But economists, who study figures and trends and who evidently never leave the precincts of the universities, government agencies, and banks that employ them, tell us that the “sharp recession” following the gigantic train wreck of the mortgage driven collapse four years ago ended more than two years ago.  Since then we have officially been in a “weak recovery.”

Now they worry that because of the artificial “debt” crisis and the stalemate between Congress and the President which destroyed confidence in the “full faith and credit” of the Federal Government and led to a down grade of the national credit rating, that we may be in danger of a “double dip” recession.  Or maybe not.  They’re not sure.

What we do know is that the Stock Market is so jittery that those graphs in the business press of stock prices resemble the jagged pen strokes on a seismograph during an earth quake.  And, by the way, real earth quakes, hurricanes, floods, and droughts are harassing us making things even worse.

But here in Woodstock, in big cities, suburbs and countryside across the country it doesn’t feel like a recovery, even one in danger.  If our government and press were more honest they would pull out a shunned, feared word from the past that best describes what is happening to real people—Depression.  That’s what it is when official unemployment hovers around 9.1%—much higher in rust belt cities, perpetual pockets of rural poverty, and in minority communities.  That is only the people who are receiving jobless aid and are “actively looking for work.”   It does not include those who need full time employment but can only find part time work or those who are so “discouraged” that they have given up looking.

The long term unemployed have become a new kind of pariah.  When companies do hire many actually stipulate “no unemployed” in their ads and many more have it as an unstated policy.  It is assumed that they will have become lazy on “the dole,” bitter and unreliable on the job, and out of touch with changes in technology and the demands of the new “high productivity” work place where one worker is expected to do the work of two or three and be glad of it.

Those who find work typically find it at wages vastly beneath what they earned before.  Many carry crushing debt loads acquired when they were confident in those old wages and in an investment in “inevitably rising home values.”  The result is ruin and bankruptcy.  But even bankruptcy now often does not offer the relief that it once did.  On the very eve of the collapse and at the insistence of banks and credit card companies, bankruptcy laws were tightened to make it more difficult to erase “obligations.”

High schools, colleges, and technical schools disgorge new workers into market place every year.  Some will be snapped up as a cheap alternative to expensive older workers.  But there is not enough room for all.  Many simply fail to launch the careers for which they have trained for which they have often gone deeply in debt and settle into patched together jobs in low paying service and retail positions.  The basements of a stressed out parental generation are filled with their children unable to live their lives.

That’s if those parents still have basements.  After four years evictions are on the rise again as un and under employment take a toll on even those who did not take out those notorious risky mortgages.  Whole neighborhoods become virtual ghost towns.  And with a glut of boarded up houses on the market, the value of homes has plummeted wiping out the major repository of wealth for the middle class.

So if thing are so bad, some folks say, why don’t we see those bread and soup lines or the last Great Depression, old ladies in rags peddling apples on the street, armies of jobless men roving the country by rail and highway, the Hovervilles?  Two reasons:  There was a “social safety net” in place to provide some cushion—unemployment insurance, food stamps, a web of public and private charity services and assistance.  That kept people hitting bottom and hitting the streets right away.  Second, you aren’t looking.

Now that safety net is not only fraying, it is under open attack.  The long term unemployed are losing their unemployment benefits.  Each extension of emergency coverage became more and more contentious in Congress.  At least twice partisan bickering allowed the extensions to expire leaving hundreds of thousands each time suddenly without resources.  Now with the Republican majority in the house ever more assertive, there is little likelihood any more extensions will be forthcoming.  Meanwhile many states, particularly those in the hands of rabid ideological Republican governors and legislatures, are cutting back even minimum benefits.

Meanwhile in those same states, and others in dire financial distress due to collapsing tax revenues, the whole social services network is under attack.  Budgets of state and private agencies are slashed or even zeroed out.  In Illinois the state does not even bother to pay budgeted obligations.  Taking advantage of what might be their only opportunity, assistance of all sorts is slashed in the name of “shrinking government”, fiscal emergency, and improving the morals of the lazy and shiftless.  As a result there is about to is an explosion of the not just impoverished but the beggared.  And many of these will not be the poor that “ye shall always have with ye,” but be folks were hard working and solidly middle class just a blink of an eye ago.

As for those who have lost their homes.  Some found rental, but with stagnating wages, debt and continued unemployment as well as a stain on available rental units, that option is becoming tougher for many.  Children, even whole families have moved back in with parents.  Parents on hard times come to their children.  Siblings and extended families are called into play.  But nerves fray and tensions arise.  People double up two or three families in a unit.  This used to be the hallmark of emigrant families and the bugaboo of municipalities around McHenry County.  Now it includes many of the formerly middle class.  Younger folks have learned to couch surf, live rootless lives on the charity of friends, relations, and even strangers.

Still more and more are becoming actually homeless.  You may not see the Hoovervilles, but tent cities are spring-up around the nation.  In McHenry county right now there are half a dozen rag tag camp sites hidden out of the way in snatches of remnant woods.  There have always been some during the months when PADS is closed, mostly inhabited by the hard core drinkers and substance abusers.  Now there are “respectable” folks and even families.  But you have to look because just like in the old days, the cops will shag the camps out if they get complaints, sometimes confiscating tents, sleeping bags, and possessions.  In some places squatters are moving into the empty homes left rotting after foreclosure.  And look for out of the way parking spaces for the armies of folks living in their cars.

In the last Great Depression government responded in hundreds of ways to the emergency.  Some things worked, some didn’t.  But massive public works programs and employment programs like the Civilian Conservation Corps and the Works Progress Administration provided jobs and hope for millions. 

 Conservatives claim that these programs, along with regulation of banking and the stock market, did not end the Depression. But in fact fueled by such assistance recovery was fairly robust until 1936 when Congressional Republicans pushed for “fiscal responsibility” and got the administration to agree to slash spending.  That resulted in a second recession that didn’t end until defense spending exploded on the eve of the American entry into World War II.

This time except for one modest “stimulus package” which did boost employment on infrastructure projects, no attempt has been made by the government to get people to work.  On the contrary, government on all levels is itself contracting throwing thousands upon thousands on the unemployment rolls.  This year layoffs of state, municipal and other local government workers have outpaced job losses in every other categories.  Instead of being an “employer of last result” government is adding to the emergency.

Even those who remain employed face wage freezes and often deep slashes accompanied by givebacks on benefits like insurance.  They are told they are lucky to have a job.   The same people are working longer hours, much of it uncompensated, and are pressured to forgo vacations or sick days so they can do the work of laid off fellow workers.

The result is a rapidly declining standard of living across the board.  Even the aloof intellectuals in their ivory towers have begun to notice the “disappearance of the middle class.”  Actually this is just an acceleration of a trend that has been going on for more than 20 years.  Americans have been the proverbial frog in the pot, not noticing as the water is heated slowly to a boil.

This has led to the most massive transfer of wealth in the country’s history, mostly from the formerly middle class the very top sliver of society.  You have probably read the statistics on the growing share of the wealth by the top 10, 5, or 1% of society.  The super wealthy get away with it by boldly buying influence in both political parties and be relying on the hapless Tea Party for a patina of populist support.  The Tea Party is made up mostly of folks who think that their interests are the same as the top plutocrats, but are often the unwitting victims of their rapacious greed.

I could go on and on but you get the picture.  The big question is why, by in large, all this is happening without, until recently, much resistance.  There are a lot of theories, including the “bread and circuses” notion that we have been anesthetized by mesmerizing popular culture.  Another is that generations of growing cynicism about government has led to a sense of hopelessness.  Why bother, folks say, it’s always been this way, we can’t change it.  The result has been what was called the cocooning of America—a withdrawal to a closed home and family.  But now those homes are at risk and pressures are fraying families.

Of course there is also the ocean of money being spent by the ultra wealthy—the Kotch brothers being the current poster boys--and a powerful bought-and-paid-for media symbolized by Fox News and Rupert Murdoch to influence popular opinion, stifle opposition voices, and even to prevent the poor, minorities, and students—all suspected Democrats—from voting at all.

Whatever the cause, it has worked.  In Europe and much of the rest of the world austerity measures have been met by explosive popular protest in Greece, Spain, Italy, France, and Ireland among other places.  Even the recent riots in Britain, portrayed in the media as simple hooliganism run amok, was rooted in social alienation and a sense of hopelessness among the young even if it was less politically explicit as other protests.

Until Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker stirred up the hornets’ nest by threatening to call out the National Guard to crush opposition to his draconian “emergency budget” by teachers and other public employees, a wave of assaults on working and poor people nationwide went unchallenged except for polite and toothless descent by the usual suspects.  But the popular resistance in Wisconsin, including weeks of occupation of the state capital, massive demonstrations, and the political action of a recall movement, has set an example that needs to spread

Folks, it really is time for the barricades.  I know such talk makes a lot of liberals nervous.  We are, after all “peace people” and adverse to noisy and rowdy confrontation.  We are glad to take a moment to sign an internet petition, write a letter to the editor or to a Congress person, hold a sign at a dignified vigil, and certainly to vote.  But that is not enough.  The emergency is too dire.

It’s not that I object to those tactics—I use them all.  And I don’t advocate abandoning conventional politics—which just leaves the field in the hands of the crazy and rapacious.  Nor do I believe looking for ideological purity and forming a new party, doomed to minority status and failure, is a good idea.  The Democrats might be “weak sisters” and on the take from some of the same oligarchs that fund the Tea Party and right wings Astroturf groups,  but at least they are willing to apply the brakes to the worst trepidations and give us breathing room to demand more.

But it will take a vast popular movement to stop the assault on the working and middle classes and demand a truly new deal.  I don’t mean an armed insurrection—that would be crushed more ruthlessly and effectively in this country than by any third world dictator.  Not only to the oligarchs have all the guns, they know how to command those who know how to use them.

I do mean filling the streets, not just for a one day March on Washington, but day after day on Wall Street, in Washington, in state capitals, at the very doorsteps of the rich and powerful.  We must become a force that cannot be ignored.

It does not take everyone.  Research has shown that when as many as 10% of a population becomes deeply and passionately committed to a new idea or cause, it is well on the way to becoming mainstream within a surprisingly short time.  The right wing think tanks figured that out.  The triumph of the Tea Party in elections two years ago is a prime example.  But people frustrated by the economy mostly did not know what the Tea Party—and more importantly their masters—really were up to.  Most people just voted for change, any change.  It is our moment to win them back.  But we can only do that by being visible and vocal.

I promised to say how getting mad and getting off our butts to confront our—and I unapologetically use the term—class enemies is a spiritual practice.  I refer you to that widely admired Jewish preacher of a couple of millennia ago—the guy we call Jesus.

He often spoke of the poor and of our responsibility to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and visit the prisoner.  In fact the New Testament contains so much of this attributed to Jesus that the Religious Right, playing a supporting role to the oligarchs and Tea Party, recognizes that this undercuts their flirtation Ayn Rand every-one-for-themselves sociopathic narcissism.  One group recently announced plans to issue an edited Bible expurgating the offending passages or bowdlerizing them so that believers “won’t get the wrong idea about Christ.”

Many liberals embrace those sayings by Jesus but imagine that his admonition to “love your enemy” means not confronting them.  But there was another side to the gentle Jesus—the one who showed up at the Temple one morning:

“And Jesus went into the temple of God, and cast out all them that sold and bought in the temple, and overthrew the tables of the moneychangers, and the seats of them that sold doves…” –Mathew  21:12, King James Version.

Some folks think of this a just a religious protest against the Pharisees.  But it was more than that.  It was an attack on the power system, both Roman and Jewish, which oppressed the people.  An obscure itinerant preacher would never have roused the fear and ire of both enough to be crucified. 

Carl Sandburg said it best in his poem, To a Contemporary Bunk Shooter, a blistering attack on evangelist Bill Sunday.  The poem ends

You tell poor people they don't need any more money
     on pay day and even if it's fierce to be out of a job,
     Jesus'll fix that up all right, all right--all they gotta
     do is take Jesus the way you say.

I'm telling you Jesus wouldn't stand for the stuff you're
     handing out. Jesus played it different. The bankers
     and lawyers of Jerusalem got their sluggers and
     murderers to go after Jesus just because Jesus
     wouldn't play their game. He didn't sit in with
     the big thieves.
I don't want a lot of gab from a bunkshooter in my religion.

I won't take my religion from any man who never works
     except with his mouth and never cherishes any memory
     except the face of the woman on the American
     silver dollar.

I ask you to come through and show me where you're
     pouring out the blood of your life.

I've been to this suburb of Jerusalem they call Golgotha,
     where they nailed Him, and I know if the story is
     straight it was real blood ran from His hands and
     the nail-holes, and it was real blood spurted in red
     drops where the spear of the Roman soldier rammed
     in between the ribs of this Jesus of Nazareth.

So here is my spiritual advice for the day:  Fellow Worker Jesus, Live like him.  Let it be so.

Saturday, September 3, 2011

If This is Labor Day Weekend, Murfin Must be Infesting the Pulpit Again

In the pulpit at an earlier Labor Day Sunday service.
Almost every year for the last five years I have led a service on Labor Day weekend at the Unitarian Universalist Congregation of Woodstock.  I have crammed two hours worth of labor history into a one hour service that galloped along so fast that I nearly fell off my high horse.   I have celebrated the rebel music of Joe Hill, Ralph Chaplain, and Utah Phillips.  I have traced the working class virtue of solidarity from the Stone Age through biblical times down to last week’s picket line.

A dedicated and hearty band has shown up every year on a holiday weekend.  Some folks have reported liking what they heard.  A good portion of the Congregation stays home.  Some of them would rather have their toe nails extracted by white hot pincers than listen to another of my “political” services.  I understand.

That’s why last year, I gave Labor Day a pass and did another service over the summer that had nothing at all to do with hectoring the congregation about the working class or social justice.

But I’m back.  The times demand it.

If you are in or around McHenry County on Sunday, I invite you to come the UUCW, 221 Dean Street in Woodstock at 10:45 in the morning to hear my service, If This is a Depression Where are the Bread Lines?  I will be issuing a challenge to face economic reality and find the spiritual strength to get mad and get moving. 

There will also be some rousing labor songs, at least one caterwauled by yours truly.  And, of course, no captive audience can get away without having one of my poems inflected upon them.

Friday, September 2, 2011

TV News Puffed Itself Up in 1963

He had only been on the job a little more than a year when Walter Cronkite finally got his wish. Over the fierce objection of local affiliates who resented loosing profitable time for local or syndicated programming to the network, his program, re-named the CBS Evening News, expanded from 15 to 30 minutes every night.

A week later NBC’s Huntley-Brinkley Report, the ratings leader among the three network news programs by a wide margin, reluctantly followed suit.  ABC’s lightly regarded and little watched news program then anchored by the entirely forgotten Ron Cochran didn’t even bother.  It wasn’t until two years later during Peter Jennings’ rocky first tenure in the anchor chair that ABC joined the trend.

At first many critics and the public wasn’t sure that there would “be enough news” to fill a half hour.  The early years were still dominated by the anchors reading the news.  Network correspondents in New York and Washington could get on the air easily.  But “live feeds” from other locations were difficult and expensive.  On the spot coverage was shot on film, which had to be rushed to network headquarters, developed, printed and edited which could mean delays in seeing events from a few hours to days for stories filed by correspondents half a world away.

But Cronkite was right.  The Sixties were exploding with news.  Just a week before his premier the March on Washington for Jobs and Justice featuring Martin Luther King’s dramatic speech had captured the attention of the nation.  The Civil Rights Movement and grainy film footage of cops beating demonstrators would be a staple of the expanded broadcasts.  So would rising Cold War tensions symbolized by yet another Berlin Crisis.  In Washington a photogenic President and a glamorous First Lady drove news cycles, as they were coming be known.

In November the assassination of John F. Kennedy and its aftermath would more than fill the nightly broadcasts.  Still ahead were the great Space Race, a rapidly escalating War in Vietnam and the protest movement against it, a whole counter cultural movement, and, as always politics, politics, and more politics.

By the end of the decade, having vanquished NBC’s once insurmountable lead in viewers and having established himself as “The most trusted man in America” Cronkite would be clamoring to expand his program to a full hour.  The affiliates, preferring to expand their local news operations instead blocked his ambition.

Thursday, September 1, 2011

Looking Back—September 1, 1939




Note: This first appeared in this blog on September 1, 2009.






The beginning of unimaginable horror is hard to pin down by date.  Was it the first shattered glass of a Jewish shop?  The war by proxy in Spain?  The get-out-of-jail-free card dealt by Neville Chamberlain?  A secret split of the swag to be by ambitious empires? Or earlier.  The reveries of a failed artist in a lonely bed?  The rotting heart of Western Civilization itself?

Let’s pick a day.  This one will do.  Big Things Happened.  The world, pardon my pun, wobbled on its Axis.  All it took was the body of an unlucky prisoner swathed in a Polish uniform at an obscure border radio transmitter.  Cheaper than allowing a battle ship to sink.  Presto!  You have a war.  Not just any war.  Still, to this day THE War.

Far away in a smoky bar and lubricated by cheap whiskey, a poet marked the occasion.

September 1, 1939
I sit in one of the dives
On Fifty-second Street
Uncertain and afraid
As the clever hopes expire
Of a low dishonest decade:
Waves of anger and fear
Circulate over the bright
And darkened lands of the earth,
Obsessing our private lives;
The unmentionable odour of death
Offends the September night.

Accurate scholarship can
Unearth the whole offence
From Luther until now
That has driven a culture mad,
Find what occurred at Linz,
What huge imago made
A psychopathic god:
I and the public know
What all schoolchildren learn,
Those to whom evil is done
Do evil in return.

Exiled Thucydides knew
All that a speech can say
About Democracy,
And what dictators do,
The elderly rubbish they talk
To an apathetic grave;
Analysed all in his book,
The enlightenment driven away,
The habit-forming pain,
Mismanagement and grief:
We must suffer them all again.

Into this neutral air
Where blind skyscrapers use
Their full height to proclaim
The strength of Collective Man,
Each language pours its vain
Competitive excuse:
But who can live for long
In an euphoric dream;
Out of the mirror they stare,
Imperialism's face
And the international wrong.

Faces along the bar
Cling to their average day:
The lights must never go out,
The music must always play,
All the conventions conspire
To make this fort assume
The furniture of home;
Lest we should see where we are,
Lost in a haunted wood,
Children afraid of the night
Who have never been happy or good.

The windiest militant trash
Important Persons shout
Is not so crude as our wish:
What mad Nijinsky wrote
About Diaghilev
Is true of the normal heart;
For the error bred in the bone
Of each woman and each man
Craves what it cannot have,
Not universal love
But to be loved alone.

From the conservative dark
Into the ethical life
The dense commuters come,
Repeating their morning vow;
'I will be true to the wife,
I'll concentrate more on my work,'
And helpless governors wake
To resume their compulsory game:
Who can release them now,
Who can reach the dead,
Who can speak for the dumb?

All I have is a voice
To undo the folded lie,
The romantic lie in the brain
Of the sensual man-in-the-street
And the lie of Authority
Whose buildings grope the sky:
There is no such thing as the State
And no one exists alone;
Hunger allows no choice
To the citizen or the police;
We must love one another or die.

Defenseless under the night
Our world in stupor lies;
Yet, dotted everywhere,
Ironic points of light
Flash out wherever the Just
Exchange their messages:
May I, composed like them
Of Eros and of dust,
Beleaguered by the same
Negation and despair,
Show an affirming flame.

—W. H. Auden

Rally to Oppose Tea Party Poster Boy Congressman Joe Walsh

 

Rally to Oppose
Congressman Joe Walsh's
Extreme Agenda

 

 

 

 

Woodstock Square
Thursday, Sept. 1, 5pm - 7pm


 Speakers and entertainers, including folk singer Norman Siegel are planned.

We'll end in time to walk two blocks to the
Joe Walsh town hall meeting at the VFW at 7pm.

For details or to volunteer to help,
contact Terry Kappel at: tkappel@hotmail.com