Theodore Parker filled the seats of the Boston Music Hall, second venue for his 28th Congregational Society. |
On January 4, 1846 Theodore
Parker was installed as the minister of the 28th Congregational Society
of Boston, a congregation created for the sole purpose of providing a
platform for the maverick, outcast Unitarian and fiery abolitionist in
the heart of the Hub of the Universe. The distinguished Unitarian
ministers of Boston, who had long shunned him and refused to exchange
pulpits with him, were outraged. Probably even more so when they
learned that he broke with precedent and preached his own instillation
sermon, The True Idea of a Christian Church—which could only
be interpreted as an in-your-face challenge to their moral authority.
Although the core group of three
hundred or so supporters who underwrote the new congregation were largely Unitarians, the new
congregation was not considered a Unitarian Church, but a Free Church
open to all and unbound by any dogma. Supporters rented space in the Melodeon
Theater. Soon upward of 1000 people were regularly attending Parker’s
Sunday sermons and Wednesday evening lectures on social, political, and
scientific issues. When that venue became too crowded, services were
moved to the Boston Music Hall and attendance doubled.
Parker could be considered the first
pastor of a mega church. And like the leaders of modern mega
churches, he used every medium at his disposal to spread his radical
gospel. Although banned from the Unitarian press, he published articles
regularly in both Boston and national periodicals and edited his own, the Massachusetts
Quarterly Review. His sermons were collected and published in
popular editions and he regularly churned out books on theological, moral, and
reform issues. When he was not speaking from his own pulpit, he lectured
widely. By the 1850’s he was one of the most famous men in America,
adored by his followers and cordially hated by his enemies.
Parker was born on August 24, 1810
in Lexington, Massachusetts. His large family had deep roots in New
England. His grandfather was the Captain Parker who had
commanded the militia on Lexington Green in the opening skirmish of the American
Revolution.
He was scholarly and devout, but
lost both parents and his seven of his nine siblings by the time he was 27, mostly
to that scourge of the era—consumption (tuberculosis.) The
losses confirmed his rejection of Calvinist orthodoxy.
As a youth he was unable to afford
tuition at Harvard, so he read the entire curriculum on his own.
He dabbled as a school master and toyed
with the idea of becoming a lawyer
before he settled on becoming a minister. After mastering Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, German, theology, church history, and biblical
studies on his own, Harvard Divinity School admitted him even
without an undergraduate degree in
1834.
After graduating, Parker married and
was ordained by the small West Roxbury congregation. The light
duty of a small congregation allowed Parker time to study more on his
own. With his introduction to German historical Biblical
criticism, his views began to evolve away from the generally accepted
Unitarian theology.
First, he began to question the
historical validity of miracles in
the Old Testament. That lead to questions about Christ’s miracles and to a new view
that Jesus was simply more divinely
inspired than most men—although divine inspiration was open to all—and that his
teachings were great not because they came from God, but because their authority was based on truth. By the end of the decade his written speculations
along these lines were beginning to cause ripples.
Parker naturally fell in with the
emerging Transcendentalists. He attended early meetings of the Club
and was soon contributing to their seminal journal The Dial. Like
others in the group he was influenced by Ralph Waldo Emerson. After
the scandal of Emerson’s Divinity School Address, which he heard
in person, he rose to his friend’s defense after Unitarian traditionalist Andrews
Norton launched his furious assault on Emerson’s “infidelity.” He
soon published his own defense of Transcendental liberalism in the guise of
commentary by a “member in the pews.” The pamphlet, The Previous
Question, cemented Parker’s reputation as a leading voice of a new
movement.
In May of 1841 Parker summed up his
evolving views in an ordination sermon
delivered in South Boston. A Discourse on the Transient and
Permanent in Christianity is now considered a foundational document of the evolving Unitarian faith. But at
the time it caused a scandal.
Most Boston area preachers believed
Parker had abandoned Christianity altogether. He became the target an
informal boycott of pulpit exchanges. While his Roxbury parish loyal stood by
him, Parker went on the offensive with well attended lectures in Boson, which
he collected and published as A Discourse of Matters Pertaining to
Religion in the spring of 1842.
The informal boycott of pulpit
exchanges led to an 1843 attempt to force Parker to resign from the Boston
Association of Congregational Ministers, whose members were all
Unitarians. He steadfastly refused to do so and accused his
colleagues of trying to impose a creed.
Later in 1843 Parker and his wife
briefly escaped the growing controversy by making a European tour,
during which time he began to mull social
inequality and the nature of Democracy. When he returned he
began to infuse his sermons with topics of social
reform as well as theological radicalism. Whether the topic was temperance, the rights of workers, or the evils of slavery this new “rabble rousing” only increased hostility against
him by his peers.
In 1844 John Sargeant,
employed by the Beneficial Fraternity to preach at a missionary chapel for immigrants, exchanged pulpits with
Parker and was reprimanded by the Ben
Frat board. He resigned in protest. Less than a month later, in
December, it was Parkers turn by rotation
among all of the members to preach the weekly Thursday Lecture sponsored
by the Ministerial association at First Church. Parker delivered a
blunt rebuke of Unitarian orthodoxy, The Relation of Jesus to His Age and
the Ages. The association transferred management of the lecture
series to First Church so that Parker would never again be called to speak by
rotation.
In January of 1845 James Freeman
Clarke, one of the most esteemed Boston ministers and a theological opponent
of Parker, decided that his fellows had gone too far in trying to impose
conformity and invited Parker to exchange. Fourteen of the leading
families of his Church of the Redeemer resigned in protest, putting
Clarke’s ministry in peril. It would be the last time any Boston minister
extended an invitation to exchange.
But Parker’s radicalism did have
supporters in the pews in Boston. They rented Melodeon Theater to house
weekly worship service in 1845. The rest of the year he preached in the
Theater on Sunday morning and in Roxbury that afternoon. By December the
group decided to form an independent congregation and call Parker.
If the local Unitarian worthies
thought that Parker was trouble before, his prominent new pulpit only provided
him with opportunities to go even further, particularly on social justice
issues. Parker espoused a new American industrial democracy which
he proclaimed was “of all the people, by all the people, for all the people”—a
phrase latter borrowed by Abraham Lincoln who had read several
collections of Parker’s sermons. To this end he advocated numerous social
reforms including free public education,
penal reform, and support for the
emerging Women’s Rights movement. But his greatest attention was
turned to the mortal flaw that kept industrial democracy form truly
flourishing—slavery.
He had already denounced the Mexican
War as an attempt to expand slavery and led Boston opposition to the Fugitive
Slave Act of 1850. He was a minister at large to the Black community for the Abolitionists
and as chair of their Vigilance Committee abetted the escape of
fugitives. He personally harbored at least two in his own home. In
1845 he was indicted by a Federal Grand
Jury for conspiracy to violate the Fugitive Slave Act. Although his
popular support in Boston led to the eventual dismissal of the charges, he was
branded an enemy of the South and worked with a pistol on his desk to
defend himself from constant threats on his life.
He was now in league with the
fieriest of abolitionists including William Lloyd Garrison. With
the outbreak of guerilla warfare
between pro-slavery and Free Soil partisans in Kansas, Parker
raised money to buy weapons for the Free
State militias, including a arming a firebrand named John Brown. When
Brown came to Boston to plead for support for a plan to foment a slave
rebellion he was one of the secret committee that helped finance and arm
Brown’s failed Happer’s Ferry Raid in October 1859. After Brown’s
arrest, Parker was one of the few to publicly support him, penning John
Brown’s Expedition Reviewed, a public letter defending Brown’s
actions and the right of slaves to kill their masters.
By that time Parker was
exhausted. His always fragile health had begun to deteriorate two years
earlier. The strain of his tireless abolitionist efforts and a packed
schedule of preaching and lecturing had taken a toll. The tuberculosis
that had killed so many in his family was wracking his body. He had to
give up preaching in January 1859. He and his wife sought relief with a
cruise to the Caribbean during which time he wrote a long autobiographical letter and final confession of faith to his former
congregation which was published as Theodore Parker's Experience as a
Minister.
A rare, late picture of a bearded Parker illustrates a profile in a popular magazine shortly before illness forced his retirement. |
The old establishment was not
prepared to forgive or forget. Knowing Parker was critically ill and
likely dying, the 1859 annual meeting of the Harvard Divinity School Alumni
Association rejected a motion to extend personal sympathy for his
suffering.
Parker and his wife continued on
their journey to Europe. On May 10, 1860 Parker died in Florence, Italy.
He was buried in the Strangers Cemetery, the final resting place of
stranded, excelled, or expatriate Protestants. The Boston
Ministerial Association declined to send condolences to the widow.
As much as Parker was despised by
the old guard, he was already lionized by a whole younger generation of
ministers who would go on to lead Unitarianism in the later 19th
Century. His theology broadly trumped a more conventional
Christianity and he was held to be the model of prophetic ministry.
In the modern Unitarian
Universalist Association, with its heavy emphasis on social justice, he has
become an even more canonical figure.
Lately, as a minority movement has
emerged that wishes to tone down “political” action and emphasizes congregational
autonomy and “enriched spiritual content,” Parker has begun to be
criticized for his disruptive, un-collegial behavior, his willingness to defy
the law and endorse violence, and surprisingly for one of Unitarianism’s
deepest theological pioneers, for a lack of spirituality.
One suspects that these biting gnats will do no serious
damage to the reputation of the man who inspired Martin Luther King with
his words, “I do not pretend to understand the moral
universe; the arc is a long one, my eye reaches but little ways; I cannot
calculate the curve and complete the figure by the experience of sight; I can
divine it by conscience. And from what I see I am sure it bends towards
justice.”
If more people knew just how John Brown went about killing his victims, they might question whether Parker and Emerson and Thoreau should have defended Brown. When we read about Brown's tactics today, it reminds us more of the brutality in the middle east.
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