Showing posts with label French Revolution. Show all posts
Showing posts with label French Revolution. Show all posts

Friday, July 17, 2026

Mademoiselle Corday Rendezvous With Dr. Guillotine

 

Charlotte Corday in the tumbril which bore her to the guillotine, by James E. McConnell. 

By all accounts Charlotte Corday stepped on the scaffold in Paris on July 17, 1793 with remarkable calm and dignity.  She knelt laying her reportedly lovely neck in the yoke of the apparatus.  At the appointed time the sure knife of the guillotine fell, and her head tumbled into the waiting basket.  Suddenly, a man named Legros, who may, or may not, have been an assistant to the executioner or perhaps a carpenter who worked on the machine that morning, rushed forward grabbing the head by its light brown hair and slapped it across the face.  A witness wrote that Corday’s face had an expression of “unequivocal indignation” at the slap. 

Twenty-four-year-old Corday came to this final indignity by meddling in French politics—with a butcher knife.

She was born on July 27, 1768 in a Normandy village and was graced with the elaborate name of Marie-Anne Charlotte de Corday d’Armont because her father, Jacques François de Corday, seigneur d’Armont was a member of the minor, but impoverished, nobility.  After her mother and older sister died of some sort of contagion, Charlotte and a younger sister were sent to a Convent in Caen.  While there she had access to the library where she read widely, enjoying particularly the classics like Plutarch in Latin.

By 1791 she left the convent and was living with a cousin, Madame Le Coustellier de Bretteville-Gouville who first brought her into the orbit of Girondin politics.


                    Mademoiselle Corday as portrayed by François-Séraphin Delpec.

The Girondin were the party of moderate Republicans who dominated the National Assembly when the King was overthrown.  At first their main opposition came from moderate Royalists who favored a constitutional monarchy.  Their main allies in the Assembly were the slightly more radical Montagnards.  Both were factions of the Jacobin Club, the main revolutionary society.

Back in Normandy Corday avidly read the writings of the most important members of the Girondin and associated with other provincial supporters.  And like the Girondin, she watched in horror as the Revolution seemed to spiral violently out of control.  Two events particularly shocked her.

First was the sudden overthrow of Louis XVI in March of 1792.  The Girondin were indeed in favor of abolishing the monarchy but had pinned their hopes on a more orderly transition to a republic.  The second event was the September Massacres when thousands of priests, aristocrats, monarchists, and other political detainees were dragged from their prisons and murdered or hastily tried and executed by the sans-culottes of the Paris Mob.

Both of those events transpired as the Girondin held nominal power in the government.  But the Montagnards, now assuming the mantel of the Jacobins, were scrambling for power, trying to keep up with the radicalized and angry poor of Paris.  Under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre, Georges Danton, and Jean-Paul Marat Jacobins plotted the over-throw of their former allies and their complete elimination as a political force.  In May of 1793 the people of Paris rose against the Girondin government which had threatened to attack them with loyal levies from the provinces. In early June the National Guard officially ousted the government.  Within weeks the Reign of Terror was on.


                                Jean-Paul Marat by Jean Francois Garneray--a remarkably ugly little man.

Watching all of this with mounting horror in Normandy, Corday lay most of the blame not on the more active politicians, Robespierre and Danton, but on the movement’s ideological leader, Marat.  The former physician and scientist dedicated himself to revolutionary politics from the earliest stirring of the people.  A radical democrat he made himself the champion of the poor—the sans culottes—and the stinging critic of any perceived conservatism or weakness in a parade of revolutionary governments in his newspaper Le Journal de la République française under the nom de plume L’Ami du people.  He was often forced into hiding but kept, as best as he was able, his sometimes-outlawed paper in print.  He was an idol to the Mob in ways that ambitious politicians like Robespierre and Danton could only dream of.  In the Reign of Terror he undertook the role of prosecutor.

Corday decided that if Marat was somehow removed from the scene the Reign of Terror would collapse and France would be spared a civil war.  At some point she decided to act on her own.

She travelled from Normandy to Paris intent on killing Marat and composing a manifesto explaining the action she planned to take.  She first tried to approach him at the National Assembly only to discover that he no longer attended the meetings.  Next, she sought him out at his house after purchasing a 6-inch butcher knife on the morning of July 13.  A servant turned her away initially, but when she returned that night claiming to have a list of Caen Girondin who planned an insurrection, Marat allowed her to be admitted.

Marat, who suffered from a painful and debilitating skin condition was working as usual from a makeshift desk stretched across his bathtub.  He conducted the interview and collected the list.  According to her later statement he either said that those on the list would be immediately disposed of or arrested and put to death.  


                            The Death of Marat by David.

With that Corday rose from her chair and strode to the bathtub pulling her knife from her corset.  She plunged deep into the chest of the helpless man who could only manage to blurt out “Aidez-moi, ma chère amie!” (Help me, my dear friend) before dying.  Corday pierced Marat’s lung, aorta and left ventricle.  He died all but instantly.

As the household responded with alarm, Corday sat quietly awaiting inevitable arrest.

Everything went quickly after that.  She was interrogated at length—and most likely tortured in an attempt to find out if she was part of a wider conspiracy.  In her hurried trial she told the court that “I killed one man to save 100,000.”  She had no illusion that she would not pay with her life.

For their part the Jacobin authorities, terrified for their own lives and unsure if Corday acted alone, ordered her body examined to see if she was a virgin.  They believed that she must have been sleeping with a man who controlled her.   They steadfastly refused to believe a woman would be able to conceive and execute such a plan on her own.  Unfortunately for them, she turned out to be a virtuous virgin.

Although her manifesto, Address to the French people, friends of Law and Peace was secretly published and circulated, at least in Paris, Marat was elevated to the status of martyr/hero.  His bust was installed on the altars of former churches when the new revolutionary Cult of Reason was proclaimed.  The popular painter David portrayed Marat’s lifeless body in the bath in a picture that took Paris by storm and was widely reproduced.

If Marat’s reputation won the immediate propaganda war, it was not to last.  The excess of the Reign of Terror spun rapidly out of control, appalling many former supporters and even eventually members of the notorious mob.  Outside Paris the provinces seethed with resentment and rebellion brewed.  Within a year they were ousted from power and on 9 Thermidor by its new Revolutionary calendar and July 10, 1794 by the Gregorian, Robespierre’s head was separated from his shoulders, likely on the same busy guillotine that had been so effective on Corday.

The surviving moderate Republicans, surviving younger aristocrats, and royalists were back in sway for a while under the Directorate until the shrewd Napoleon Bonaparte, hero of the wars of invasion by the European powers seeking to restore the monarchy, gathered up the power for his personal dictatorship and ultimate Empire.

The eventual fall of Napoleon and the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy at the point of Europe’s bayonets calmed France for a while, but glaring class inequality continued to fester, particularly in Paris which erupted in street rebellions in 1830 and again in 1832.  The latter was a paltry, doomed affair now remembered only because it inspired Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables and, of course the musical stage and screen blockbuster of our time.   


                        The revisionist view with Corday as heroine by Paul Baudry.

Supporters of the monarchy sought out historical figures to write an alternative myth of the bloody past, someone of undeniable courage who dared to face the howling mob.  Charlotte Corday was the perfect candidate.  Her story was retold and embellished in books and stage melodramas, something that would be repeated after the brief Republic following the fall of the Bourbons to the 1848 uprising when Louis Napoleon came to power. 

In 1860 Paul Jacques Aimé Baudry painted the same scene of Marat dead in the bathtub as celebrated by David from a different angle showing a heroic Corday surveying her work.


Marat/Sade on stage in London with Patrick Magee, Glenda Jackson, and Ian Richardson directed by Peter Brook in the 1967 Royal Shakespere Company film version.

In the 1960 the story was retold in the international theater sensation The Persecution and Assassination of Jean-Paul Marat as Performed by the Inmates of the Asylum of Charenton Under the Direction of the Marquis de Sade better known simply as Marat/Sade and the 1967 film directed by Peter Brook based on his Royal Shakespeare Theater Company London production.   Songs from the show including Poor Old Marat were recorded as a medley by Judy Collins on her best-selling album In My Life.

Marat and Corday remain to this day potent symbols in France to be extolled or reviled depending on one’s politics.

 

Tuesday, July 14, 2026

France’s la Fête Nationale or Bastille Day--Parisiens Celebrate the Revolution not the State

  

Many popular images of the storming of the Bastille are highly romanticized like this English school text illustration.  In reality there was relatively little fighting and only seven inmates were freed including common criminals.

It’s Bastille Day, of course, commemorating the day in 236 years ago in 1789 when the Paris Mob set off the French Revolution by storming the Bastille, a fortress prison traditionally used by the monarchy to detain its political enemies without benefit of civil appeal.  The French make a big deal of it. 

In the United States it is marked by an exceptionally busy evening in French restaurants.  A few years ago, the long-time loathing of all things French by the right wing stretching back to the panic of Federalists over the Revolution was revived and we were told that patriotic Americans must despise the Frogs and their damned holiday. 

There was a brief thaw after the Charlie Hebdo massacre if only because it gave American xenophobes an opportunity to paint Muslims as a universal threat to Western Civilization.  Then Donald Trump went to Paris.  French President Emmanuel Macron publicly made nice with the Cheeto-in-Charge and gave him the full glitz and pomp of a state visit.  They also watched the annual military parade which so deeply impressed Donnie Boy that he had to have one of his very own back home, which finally came to a feeble fruition with his Fourth of July farse with tanks on the National Mall in 2019, last Summer’s Army/Trump Birthday Parade embarrassing fizzle, and this year's U.S. Semisesquicentennial/America's County Fair debacle. 

 

Witnessing the grand military parade gave Donald Trump such a hard on that he decided that he wanted one of his very own minus the Liberty, Equality, Fraternity nonsense. 

But the flirtation with France was short-lived after Macron chimed in with other European and allied leaders, pointing out what a bonehead, bully, and bullshit artist Trump was.  Pretty soon Fox News talking heads, Congressional chest beaters, and Alt-Right hate peddlers were back on the familiar ground of dissing the French.

In France the holiday is known as La Fête Nationale—the National Celebration and it does not officially commemorate the revolutionary event at all, but rather the 1790 Fête de la Fédération, held on the first anniversary of the storming of the Bastille and supposedly symbolizing the unity of the nation under the constitutional monarchy that preceded the First Republic.  The national holiday was established in 1880 after observances had been popularly revived in 1878 and ’79.

Celebration of the storming of the Bastille was neglected during the turbulent and bloody periods of the Revolution and suppressed under the Napoleonic Empire, the later Bourbon Restoration, and the Second Empire of Louis Napoleon.

 

More than 30,000 Parisians were executed by the National Guard after the Paris Commune was crushed in 1871.  The reactionary new Republican government was in no mood to celebrate any kind of revolutionary or insurrectionist activity.

After the Paris Commune was crushed by the National Guard in 1871 in the aftermath of France’s humiliating defeat in the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of Louis Napoleon which resulted in more than 30,000 Parisians being executed, celebrations of revolutionary action by the Paris mob were naturally discouraged. 

But by the end of the decade the conservative Second Republic was searching for ways to restore national unity and reassert national pride.  On June 30, 1878 the City of Paris declared a feast in honor of the Republic which became a gay affair with boulevards lined with the Tri-color flag.  The following year the feast was moved to June 14 and a reception was held at the Chamber of Deputies, a military parade was staged, and celebrations spread to other cities giving the day semi-official recognition as a national event.

 

The flag be-draped spectacle of Paris's 1878 feast in honor of the Republic was captured by Claude Monet. 

But debate the next year about establishing Bastille Day as a national holiday in the Chamber was often bitter and divisive.  Monarchists, some of the senior military who had been involved in crushing the Commune, and other conservatives were bitterly opposed.  Instead, they proposed August 4, the anniversary of the end of serfdom under the constitutional monarchy in 1789.  But the people’s enthusiasm for Bastille Day could not be denied.

 

Celebrating the conservative Republic, national unity, and reasserting military glory not revolution was the goal illustrated in  La République triomphante 1880. 

In the end a compromise was reached to commemorate not the revolutionary action, but the Fête de la Fédération.  Authorities also made sure that the central event of the new national celebration when it was held for the first time in 1880 would be a grand military parade.  The holiday was intended to be less a celebration of the still dangerous ideas of Liberté, égalité, fraternité (Liberty, Equality, Fraternity) than one of martial nationalism.

To this day the grand military parade, the oldest such tradition in the world, presided over by the President of the Republic and spectacular fireworks in the evening are the center pieces of the official celebration. 

 

Besides the grand military parade and fireworks spectacular ordinary Parisians traditionally celebrate by dancing in the streets. 

But stop a Parisian on the street and ask what he or she is celebrating and there is no talk of the Fête de la Fédération.  Paris celebrates Bastille Day.  There will be dancing in the streets.

 

Monday, July 14, 2025

France’s la Fête Nationale is Bastille Day in Disguise—Parisiens Celebrate the Revolution not the State

 

 

Many popular images of the storming of the Bastille are highly romanticized like this English school text illustration.  In reality there was relatively little fighting and only seven inmates were freed including common criminals.

It’s Bastille Day, of course, commemorating the day in 236 years ago in 1789 when the Paris Mob set off the French Revolution by storming the Bastille, a fortress prison traditionally used by the monarchy to detain its political enemies without benefit of civil appeal.  The French make a big deal of it. 

In the United States it is marked by an exceptionally busy evening in French restaurants.  A few years ago the long-time loathing of all things French by the right wing stretching back to the panic of Federalists over the Revolution was revived and we were told that patriotic Americans must despise the Frogs and their damned holiday. 

There was a brief thaw after the Charlie Hebdo massacre if only because it gave American xenophobes an opportunity to paint Muslims as a universal threat to Western Civilization.  Then Donald Trump went to Paris.  French President Emmanuel Macron publicly made nice with the Cheeto-in-Charge and gave him the full glitz and pomp of a state visit.  They also watched the annual military parade which so deeply impressed Donnie Boy that he had to have one of his very own back home which finally came to a feeble fruition with his Fourth of July debacle with tanks on the National Mall in 2019 and this Summers Army/Trump Birthday Parade embarrassing fizzle. 

 

Witnessing the grand military parade gave Donald Trump such a hard on that he decided that he wanted one of his very own minus the Liberty, Equality, Fraternity nonsense. 

But the flirtation with France was short-lived after Macron chimed in with other European and allied leaders, pointing out what a bonehead, bully, and bullshit artist Trump was.  Pretty soon Fox News talking heads, Congressional chest beaters, and Alt-Right hate peddlers were back on the familiar ground of dissing the French.

In France the holiday is known as La Fête Nationale—the National Celebration and it does not officially commemorate the revolutionary event at all, but rather the 1790 Fête de la Fédération, held on the first anniversary of the storming of the Bastille and supposedly symbolizing the unity of the nation under the constitutional monarchy that preceded the First Republic.  The national holiday was established in 1880 after observances had been popularly revived in 1878 and ’79.

Celebration of the storming of the Bastille had been neglected during the turbulent and bloody periods of the Revolution and suppressed under the Napoleonic Empire, the later Bourbon Restoration, and the Second Empire pf Louis Napoleon.

 

 More than 30,000 Parisians were executed by the National Guard after the Paris Commune was crushed in 1871.  The reactionary new Republican government was in no mood to celebrate any kind of  revolutionary or insurrectionist activity.

After the Paris Commune was crushed by the National Guard in 1871 in the aftermath of France’s humiliating defeat in the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of Louis Napoleon which resulted in more than 30,000 Parisians being executed, celebrations of revolutionary action by the Paris mob were naturally discouraged. 

But by the end of the decade the conservative Second Republic was searching for ways to restore national unity and reassert national pride.  On June 30, 1878 the City of Paris declared a feasin honor of the Republic which became a  gay affair with boulevards lined with the Tri-color flag.  The following year the feast was moved to June 14 and a reception was held at the Chamber of Deputies, a military parade was put on, and celebrations spread to other cities giving the day semi-official recognition as a national event.

 

The flag be-draped spectacle of Paris's 1878 feast in honor of the Republic was captured by Claude Monet. 

But debate  the next year about establishing Bastille Day as a national holiday in the Chamber was often bitter and divisive.  Monarchists, some of the senior military who had been involved in crushing the Commune, and other conservatives were bitterly opposed.  Instead, they proposed August 4, the anniversary of the end of serfdom under the constitutional monarchy in 1789.  But the people’s enthusiasm for Bastille Day could not be denied.

 

Celebrating the conservative Republic, national unity, and reasserting military glory not revolution was the goal illustrated in  La République triomphante 1880. 

In the end a compromise was reached to commemorate not the revolutionary action, but the Fête de la Fédération.  Authorities also made sure that the central event of the new national celebration when it was held for the first time in 1880 would be a grand military parade.  The holiday was intended to be less a celebration of the still dangerous ideas of Liberté, égalité, fraternité (Liberty, Equality, Fraternity) than one of martial nationalism.

To this day the grand military parade, the oldest such tradition in the world, presided over by the President of the Republic and spectacular fireworks in the evening are the center pieces of the celebration. 

 

Besides the grand military parade and fireworks spectacular ordinary Parisians traditionally celebrate  by dancing in the streets. 

But stop a Parisian on the street and ask what he or she is celebrating and there is no talk of the Fête de la Fédération.  Paris celebrates Bastille Day.  There will be dancing in the streets.

 

Sunday, July 14, 2024

Officially it’s la Fête Nationale in France but Parisians Cannot be Denied Their Bastille Day

Many popular images of the storming of the Bastille are highly romanticized.  In reality there was relatively little fighting and only seven inmates were freed including common criminals.

Note—The national elections this month preserved at least some of the spirit of the French Revolution and prevented fascists from coming to power and gave the people something extra to celebrate today.

It’s Bastille Day, of course, commemorating the day in 235 years ago in 1789 when the Paris Mob set off the French Revolution by storming the Bastille, fortress prison traditionally used by the monarchy to detain its political enemies without benefit of civil appeal.  The French make a big deal of it. 

In the United States it is marked by an exceptionally busy evening in French restaurants.  A few years ago the long-time loathing of all things French by the right wing stretching back to the panic of Federalists over the Revolution was revived and we were told that patriotic Americans must despise the Frogs and their damned holiday

There was a brief thaw after the Charlie Hebdo massacre if only because it gave American xenophobes an opportunity to paint Muslims as a universal threat to Western Civilization.  Then Donald Trump went to Paris.  French President Emmanuel Macron publicly made nice with the Cheeto-in-Charge and gave him the full glitz and pomp of a state visit.  They also watched the annual military parade which so deeply impressed Donnie Boy that he had to have one of his very own back home which finally came to a feeble fruition with his Fourth of July debacle with tanks on the National Mall in 2019.

Witnessing the grand military parade gave Donald Trump such a hard on that he decided that he wanted one of his very own minus the Liberty, Equality, Fraternity nonsense.

But the flirtation with France was short-lived after Macron chimed in with other European and allied leaders, pointing out what a bonehead, bully, and bullshit artist Trump was.  Pretty soon Fox News talking headsCongressional chest beaters, and Alt-Right hate peddlers were back on the familiar ground of dissing the French.

In France the holiday is known as La Fête Nationale—the National Celebration and it does not officially commemorate the revolutionary event at all, but rather the 1790 Fête de la Fédération, held on the first anniversary of the storming of the Bastille and supposedly symbolizing the unity of the nation under the constitutional monarchy that preceded the First Republic.  The national holiday was established in 1880 after observances had been popularly revived in 1878 and ’79.

Celebration of the storming of the Bastille had been neglected during the turbulent and bloody periods of the Revolution and suppressed during the Napoleonic Empire, the later Bourbon Restoration, and the Second Empire under Louis Napoleon.

More than 30,000 Parisians were executed by the National Guard after the Paris Commune was crushed in 1871.  The reactionary new Republican government was in no mood to celebrate any kind of  revolutionary or insurrectionist activity.

After the Paris Commune was crushed by the National Guard in 1871 in the aftermath of France’s humiliating defeat in the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of Louis Napoleon which resulted in more than 30,000 Parisians being executed, celebrations of revolutionary action by the Paris mob were naturally discouraged

But by the end of the decade the conservative Second Republic was searching for ways to restore national unity and reassert national pride.  On June 30, 1878 the City of Paris declared a feast in honor of the Republic which became a  gay affair with boulevards lined with the Tri-color flag.  The following year the feast was moved to June 14 and a reception was held at the Chamber of Deputies, a military parade was put on, and celebrations spread to other cities giving the day semi-official recognition as a national event.

The flag be-draped spectacle of Paris's 1878 feast in honor of the Republic was captured by Claude Monet.

But debate  the next year about establishing Bastille Day as a national holiday in the Chamber was often bitter and divisive.  Monarchists, some of the senior military who had been involved in crushing the Commune, and other conservatives were bitterly opposed.  Instead, they proposed August 4, the anniversary of the end of serfdom under the constitutional monarchy in 1789.  But the peoples enthusiasm for Bastille Day could not be denied.

Celebrating the conservative Republic, national unity, and reasserting military glory not revolution was the goal illustrated in  La République triomphante 1880.

In the end a compromise was reached to commemorate not the revolutionary action, but the Fête de la Fédération.  Authorities also made sure that the central event of the new national celebration when it was held for the first time in 1880 would be a grand military parade.  The holiday was intended to be less a celebration of the still dangerous ideas of Liberté, égalité, fraternité (Liberty, Equality, Fraternity) than one of martial nationalism.

To this day the grand military parade, the oldest such tradition in the world, presided over by the President of the Republic and spectacular fireworks in the evening are the center pieces of the celebration. 

Besides the grand military parade and fireworks spectacular ordinary Parisians traditionally celebrate  by dancing in the streets.

But stop a Parisian on the street and ask what he or she is celebrating and there is no talk of the Fête de la Fédération.  Paris celebrates Bastille Day.