Wednesday, July 27, 2022

A Warm Bucket of Spit—The Story of the American Vice Presidency—Part I


 

Note:  Despite his avowed decision to run for re-election, two years before the 2024 election many folks—myself included—doubt Joe Biden will actually be the Democratic candidate.  Despite a strong start and some real achievements the Coronavirus pandemic, the raging inflation, and the failure of the White House and Congressional Democrats to be able to deliver on key promises have put the incumbent significantly under water in popularity and lagging behind any generic Republican in the polls.  His age is catching up to him and he seems increasingly fragile.  If he does withdraw or become unable to run again his Vice President Kamala Harris would be a likely choice for the top of the ticket.  But she has her negatives, too, including a nagging fear that a Black woman could be elected in a racially polarizing country.  If she does run and win, she will join an elite club.  We are examining the history of the Vice Presidency.  To make it digestible, I have split it into three parts.  Today in the first I take the story up to Lincoln and his second Veep and successor Andrew Johnson.  Guys with beards through quirky choices and high modern political drama tomorrow.  High jinks, treason, political gambles of the two most recent Veeps on Friday.

American Vice Presidents through Mike Pence.

The Vice Presidency was barely an afterthought in the Constitution.  It occurred to one of the drafters that while a vacancy in a state government governorship could in most cases quickly be filled by the legislature or Governors council allowing the simple machinery of 18th Century government to continue functioning with minimum disruption, the mechanics of electing a new President were cumbersome in the extreme entailing the several state legislatures meeting, selecting electors, and then convening the Electors.  Months or more than a year could slip by before all of the moving parts produced a new chief executive.  Thus, the creation of the office of the Vice President whose main function was to be a spare part in case of emergency.

Other than that, the Constitution had precious little to say.  The Vice President must have the qualifications as the President—be at least 35 years old and native born.  His only enumerated function was to be the presiding officer in the Senate with the power to cast a deciding vote in case of a tie.  Absolutely no executive branch duties were listed or expected. 

Despite the evidence of growing political divisions in the country as evidenced by Federalist and anti-Federalist camps during the rough and tumble campaigns to ratify the new Constitution state by state, none of the document’s authors seemed to have recognized that the rise of competing political parties was inevitable.  In their vision the finest and most noble citizens would be nominated by the various states to compete for the Presidency.  Since all candidates were expected to adhere to high minded disinterestedness, it made sense for the candidate to win the majority of the Electoral College to assume post of First Magistrate while the second place finisher became Vice President.  It occurred to no one that these once rivals could be political opponents.  This flaw was quickly exposed.

But not in the election of the first President and Vice President.  Everyone knew that the only man of suitable stature for the Presidency was the Hero of the Revolution, General George Washington.  He had proved his high-minded disinterest by resigning his commission at war’s end and retiring “Like Cincinnatus to his plow.  He had also rebuffed all efforts to make him either a monarch or dictator and opposed the creation of any new domestic nobility.  He was a known supporter of the new Constitution having presided at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia but his clear support for a classic republic re-assured the disappointed anti-Federalists.  Washington would be the only man ever elected to the Presidency with a unanimous vote of the Electoral College.

                        John Adams and his much mocked ceremonial sword in a painting by William Winstanley aping Gilbert Stuart.

What of the selection of a Vice President?  Here the choice was not unanimous but largely a foregone conclusion.   To fulfil the requirements three candidates were formally nominated for President—Washington, John Adams and John Hancock both of Massachusetts.  Adams had been the primary architect of the drive for Independence in the Constitutional Convention and the chief sponsor of Washington for Commander in Chief of the Continental Army.  He had recently returned from 8 years of diplomatic service abroad including being a member of the negotiating team led by Benjamin Franklin which secured a peace treaty recognizing American Independence.  Despite a prickly personality and tart tongue which made him unpopular among some political leaders he was Washington’s unspoken choice.  Hancock, Governor of Massachusetts and President of the Second Continental Congress which adopted the Declaration of Independence, was popular at home, but not well known to many in other states.  Each elector cast two votes.  Washington got all 69.  Adams got a disappointing (to him) 34 votes and Hancock trailed with only 4 home state votes.  Other electors cast ballots for home state favorite sons or left their second ballot empty.

As Abigail Adams had predicted, John found his new job both boring and beneath his dignity and talents.  His attempts to impose rules in the Senate that would have him being referred to by a long and florid honorific and his insistence at wearing a sword as a symbol of his office and authority were widely mocked.  When Washington assembled what would be the first Cabinet and thus a functioning executive branch beyond the person of the President, Adams was not invited to participate in the regular deliberations of that body.

During Washington’s two terms political parties began to coalesce around Washington’s pet Alexander Hamilton and Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson.  Adams found himself somewhat uncomfortably among the developing Federalist Party despite his distrust of Hamilton’s ambitions because he shared a dread of “mob rule and democracy” represented by Jefferson’s pro-French Revolution Republican Clubs.

When Washington retired at the end of his second term Adams and Jefferson were nominated for the Presidency. Adams won handily, but Jefferson finished second became his Vice President.  Enmity between the two former close friends and collaborators and their respective parties grew. Four years later in the political Revolution of 1800 the new Democratic Republican Party crushed the Federalists and Adam’s hopes for a second term.

But that election also revealed a fatal flaw in the Electoral system. The Jeffersonians had figured out how to avoid having John Adams as their leaders’ Vice President—or returning Jefferson to the thankless job should he lose.  They invented the ticket nominating Jefferson and rising star former New York Senator Aaron Burr.  But in the Electoral College system there was no way to differentiate between the two—both had been effectively nominated for President.  In one of the great political SNAFUs of all time, no one thought to arrange to have at least one Elector withhold a vote for Burr which would have elected Jefferson President and put Burr in the Vice Presidential Chair in the Senate.  


Erstwhile running mates turned bitter rivals, Aaron Burr and Thomas Jefferson with the vast interior of the country that Burr plotted  to seize and create as his own country.

That resulted in a tie vote sending the election into the House of Representatives which was still controlled by rival Federalists.  Each state delegation cast one vote.  Tied delegations from Vermont and Maryland had to cast blank ballots.  Ballot after ballot resulted in a tie between the two.  The ambitious Burr evidently tried to strike deals with some Federalists.  In New York Federalist Leader Alexander Hamilton, alarmed that his bitter local rival might win, swallowed hard and let it be known that he preferred Jefferson.  Finally, after five exhausting days on the 36th ballot Federalist James A. Bayard of Delaware and his allies in Maryland and Vermont all cast blank ballots breaking the tie.  In the end Jefferson received the votes of 10 of the 16 state delegations, enough to win.

Jefferson was President but he was stuck with a V.P. who he now thoroughly distrusted.  By all accounts Burr presided over the Senate with considerable adroit charm.  But then he got in that unfortunate fatal fracas with Hamilton which made him a fugitive in Washington.  Worse, he was implicated in an elaborate plot to raise an army and perhaps seize the trans-Appalachian Southwest to create new nation with himself at its head.  A furious Jefferson had Burr tried for treason only to have Federalist Chief Justice John Marshall, sitting as a Circuit Court trial judge, let Burr off the hook.

If Jefferson could not nail his Vice President, who smugly returned to his duties in the Senate, he could engineer a fix so that the situation would never arise again.  The result was the Twelfth Amendment which was ratified in time for the 1804 election and which called for Electors to make a distinct choice between their votes for President and Vice-president.  It also provided that the President and Vice President could not come from the same state.

Jefferson’s choice for the first Vice Presidential running mate under the new system was New York Governor George Clinton, anchoring the Virginia-New York axis at the heart of Democratic-Republican power.  Clinton stayed on the ticket in 1804 as James Madisons running mate.

A side result of abandoning the original Constitutional scheme was an end to the idea that the Vice President was the second most eminent citizen of the United States and the heir apparent to the Presidency. Instead, his selection became more and more based on political considerations and advantages.  If Clinton was a respectable choice, some of his successors would be far less credible.  Instead, the position of Secretary of State, with its considerable responsibilities and prestige became the most important steppingstone to the Presidency, at least as long as the same Party stayed in power.  Madison, James Monroe, and John Quincy Adams all rose to the Executive Mansion by that route.

With the demise of the Federalists as a national party and the so-called Era of Good Feelings under Monroe after the War of 1812, the younger Adams was elected as a Democratic-Republican in a bitter three-way race that also ended up in the House and which fellow Democratic-Republican looser Andrew Jackson believed had been stolen from him in a so called “corrupt bargain” between Adams and Henry Clay in which Clay became Secretary of State.  That caused a party re-alignment.  Supporters of Adams and Clay became briefly known as National Republicans eventually to morph into the Whigs.  Jackson and his “old conservatives” created the Democratic Party.

Adam’s Vice President, John C. Calhoun of South Carolina aligned himself with Jackson in the election of 1828 and became the second and last Vice President to serve under two administrations and the only one to serve for different parties.  Of course, we all know that the volatile Calhoun would split with Jackson over the tariff and the Nullification Crisis.  He resigned the Vice Presidency and became one of the three principal leaders of the shakily held together anti-Jacksonian Whigs along with Clay and former Federalist Daniel Webster.


John C. Calhoun and those intense eyes that scared the bejesus out of everyone served as vice President under John Quincy Adams as a National Republican  and Andrew Jackson as a Democrat and became a leader of the Whigs all in defense of the South's "rights and privileges."

For his second term Jackson turned back to New York where he picked the crafty leader of the Albany Regency political machine, Martin Van Buren.  Van Buren broke recent tradition and became a key advisor to the President and the man he decided to leave his political legacy.  In the election of 1836, Van Buren won with relative light weight Richard Mentor Johnson of Kentucky to shore up the West against Henry Clay.  He became the last man to ascend directly from the Vice Presidency to the Presidency by election until George H. W. Bush.

Unable to unite behind any of their very different main leaders, in 1840 the Whigs decided to turn to an aging war hero and Virginia born aristocrat from Ohio with who they ran in a campaign aping Jackson’s populist appeal.  The wealthy William Henry Harrison was falsely depicted as being born in a log cabin and rising from the People while Van Buren, who came from very modest means was painted as a pampered fop.  It worked and the use of a war hero was cemented as an alternative path to presidency, especially for parties out of power.

When William Henry Harrison  kicked the bucket shortly after taking office, John Tyler became the first Vice President to assume Presidency.

When Harrison promptly died his Vice President, essentially a dissident Virginia Democrat, became the first man to become president on the death of the incumbent.  The unpopular John Tyler quickly became a man without a party rejected by Congressional Whigs and distrusted as a turncoat by Democrats.  He served out a tumultuous term without hope of election in his own right.

Democrat James Knox Polk, the young Tennessean who was Speaker of the House became President in the election of 1844 with Pennsylvania Senator George M. Dallas as his running mate.  In terms of accomplishing what he proclaimed as his goals, no President has ever been more successful—he settled the disputed Oregon border without a war with Great Britain, annexed Texas, and oversaw the triumphant Mexican War that added swaths of territory from Texas to California to the country.  Satisfied with having fulfilled Manifest Destiny, the exhausted Polk declined to run for a second term and retired to Tennessee where he promptly died.

Millard Fillmore became another accidental president when war hero Zachary Taylor died but pursued much more compromise with Southern slave states.

Without having to face a popular incumbent, the Whigs turned back to a war hero, Zachary Taylor who was also a slave owning Louisiana planter.  Taylor won but surprised everyone by opposing extension of slavery into the new territories.  He also became politically isolated in office.  When he died office in 1850 his Vice President, anti-slavery Whig Millard Fillmore of New York, came to office.  Despite his personal feelings on slavery, however, Fillmore pursued an unpopular—in the North—policy of compromise and accommodation with the South that included vigorous application of the Fugitive Slave Act.   Fillmore was trounced for in a run to win the office on his own and became the last Whig Chief Executive.

In 1852 Democrats ran their own war hero, Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, a so-called Northern man of Southern principles.  He was rendered nearly incapacitated by the death of his son in a train wreck and drank his way through an ineffective Presidency as the nation became more polarized by slavery and its expansion.  His Vice President was Senator Rufus King of Alabama, the long-time roommate in Washington—and some believe lover—of his Secretary of State James Buchanan of Pennsylvania.  It was Buchanan who succeeded the hapless Pierce and twiddled his thumbs through the mounting crisis.

The election of 1860 was a mess.  Democrats shattered three ways with regional factions nominating Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, the architect of Popular Sovereignty on the slavery issues in the Territories, Vice President John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky as a Southern Democrat, and John Bell of Tennessee as a Border State compromiser on the Constitutional Union ticket.

The Republicans, heir to the defunct Whigs and anti-slavery Democrats running in their second national election, unexpectedly nominated a gangly Illinois railway lawyer and former one-term Congressman with a reputation as a rustic but glib speaker.  Lincoln had shrewdly out maneuvered party powerhouses like William Seward of New York, Samuel Chase of Ohio, and Montgomery Blair of Maryland.  Hannibal Hamlin, the relatively nationally unknown Governor of Maine and a former Congressman and Senator, was tapped for the Vice Presidential slot mostly because he did not offend the supporters of any of Lincoln’s rivals at the Republican Convention in Chicago.

Lincoln swept the North and the new states of California and Oregon easily besting the fractured Democratic contenders in the Electoral College.  You probably have a pretty good memory of all that happened next.

In 1864 Lincoln’s reelection chances seemed dim.  Although he realized that the tide had turned the previous year at Vicksburg and Gettysburg and with the increasingly effective strangle hold of the naval blockade of the Confederacy.  But the war, especially in Virginia had settled into a seemingly endless bloody stalemate with grim and mounting casualty lists daily filling the columns of Northern newspapers.  Copperheads were gaining traction in Border States and in southern Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.  Popular former Army of the Potomac commander George McClellan was running as a peace Democrat on a platform of ending the war with Southern Independence intact

                                   Abraham Lincoln picked Tennessee Democrat to run  with him as his second Vice President on a fusion Union ticket.

Lincoln jettisoned Hamlin and announced he would run on a fusion Union ticket.  Self-educated former tailor, Senator from Tennessee, Union general and Democrat Andrew Johnson was picked as his running mate.  The pick was probably less responsible for Lincoln’s come from behind win in November than a Sherman’s capture of Atlanta; the war-time admission of Kansas, West Virginia, and Nevada as Lincoln friendly states; and the release of tens of thousands of Union troops on furlough so that they could vote in critical states like New York and Ohio.

At the 1865 inauguration where Lincoln delivered one of his most memorable speeches, Johnson embarrassed himself with incoherent and apparently drunken remarks.  During his short time in the second office, Johnson was never included in cabinet meetings or consulted in any way by the President.  He lived a lonely life in a hotel room, drank heavily, and bemoaned his status.  Then, suddenly, John Wilkes Booth made him the first Vice President to come to office after an assassination.

In the White House, as the Executive Mansion was now known, Johnson not only pursued Lincolns policy of a generous peace and rapid re-assimilation of the former rebel states into the Union—a policy bitterly opposed by Radical Republicans in Congress—he was reluctant to use occupying troops to stop the night riding terrorism by many Confederate veterans and Southern Democrats against new Freedmen.  The Republicans found a flimsy excuse to impeach him in the House of Representatives on a charge of firing a Federal official without first obtaining the consent of Congress and brought him to trial in the Senate.  He survived by a single vote.  He served out his term but was almost powerless in the aftermath. 

No major political party would ever again nominate a member of another party to their national ticket, which has the effect of barring the kind of coalition government or fusion tickets common in European Parliamentary democracies.  

TomorrowMore controversies, successions, quirky personalities on into the 21st Century.

Tuesday, July 26, 2022

The Wit and the Occasional Unfortunate Notion of George Bernard Shaw

Shaw in 1909 at the peak of his creative powers.

On July 26, 1856 the only man ever to win a Nobel Prize and an Academy AwardAl Gore doesn’t count because his movie won the Oscar, but he personally did not—was born in Dublin, Ireland to a minor civil servant and an aspiring singer. 

George Bernard Shaw was also a major influence on my young life when I was type cast in another blowhard character part as Alfred E. Doolittle in a high school production of Pygmalion.   Just as a role in Inherit the Wind led me to the treasure trove of Clarence Darrow, American radicalism, and the labor movement, this role introduced me to the wonders of Shavian wit and wisdom and to socialism. 

For several months, until I actual started down the road that would lead to the radical labor movement and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), I bemused and confounded friends with declarations that what America needed was a Fabian Socialist movement to make socialism palatable to the middle classes.  

My infatuation with Fabianism may have been brief; my fascination with Shaw genius was not.  Not that I am an expert in all things Shaw.  I have read his best known plays, some of his socialist screeds, and some of his essays, but that just skims the surface of the prodigious production of words that when issued in a uniform set of complete works took 36 volumes and twenty years to produce before the playwrights death in 1950. 

Shaw got an indifferent education in Protestant schools in Dublin because he rebelled against the mind numbing crushing of creativity by rote learning and especially against the physically abusive culture of repeated discipline by caning. 

After his mother abandoned the family to pursue her dreams of a singing career in London taking his sisters with her, Shaw stayed in Dublin with his alcoholic father.  He dropped out of school and became an estate agent managing the affairs of landowner to get away from home and earn a living.


                          As a young man in Dublin with no good prospects.

After a few years he joined his mother and sisters in 1876 to pursue his dreams of improving his education by personal application.  They subsidized him to the tune of a Pound Sterling a week as he educated himself in the reading rooms of the British Museum. 

He supplemented this meager keep by ghost writing a music criticism column for his mother’s voice teacher, Vandeleur Lee.  That eventually launched him on his first successful career as a critic of the arts. 

Meanwhile he tried his hand as a novelist, completing five manuscripts over the next five years, none accepted by a publisher.  After he became famous the novels were each published over a period of several years and none of them were very good, although the later ones previewed his moral vision and taste for the didactic.  But he was learning a craft. 

In 1885 he finally became a self-supporting writer when he was hired as a reviewer fashionable Pall Mall Gazette writing first under pen name Corno di Bassetto (Basset Horn) and later simply under the initials GBS.  He also published occasional pieces in other journals. 

As a critic, Shaw was disgusted by what he considered the vapid conventions of the popular stage which catered to a self-congratulatory ruling class.  He became one of the first great English language champions of the new realistic drama of Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen, whose work shocked Victorian sensibilities.   His extended essay Quintessence of Ibsenism published in 1891 was a major breakthrough both for the critic and for Ibsen in the English speaking world.  

                                        Shaw as a rising critic and public intellectual.

In 1895 he became the lead drama critic of the Saturday Review finally publishing under his full name.  His columns, written in a lively, accessible style enchanted a public used to a dry, self-serious style of commentary.  Shaw, at age 40 was just starting to make his mark. 

Meanwhile Shaw’s social and political views had taken a radical turn when he became an early and ardent member of the Fabian Society, named in honor of the Roman general Quintus Fabius Maximus who had advocated tactics of harassment and attrition rather than head-on battles against the Hannibal.  In practice the society rejected violent revolution, urged adoption of a simple lifestyle—including vegetarianism—and used written persuasion to enlist the middling classes in support of the workers. 

With leading spirits Sidney and Beatrice Webb, Shaw was soon one of the Society’s top polemicists.  He authored several pamphlets, many gathered into Fabian Essays in Socialism, published in 1881.  Shaw became a dedicated vegetarian, anti-vivisectionist, and rejected much of modern medicine—including vaccination—advocating a healthy diet, simple life, and excersize.  He tended to be more pacifistic than other Fabians, many of whom explicitly embraced the Empire and believed that adoption of a cooperative commonwealth in Britain would thus further its spread around the world.  The Fabians were influential founders of the British Labor Party in 1906, and many of their proposed social reforms became the heart of the Party platform.  

Shaw stands out at a London socialist rally circa 1910.

Mirroring his relationship with his mother, Shaw’s relationships with women were complicated.  On one hand he adored them and on many occasions wrote about his conviction that they were in every way possible the moral superiors of men.  He conducted protracted, passionate relationships by letter with actress Mrs. Patrick Campbell and others but is never known to have consummated an affair. 

In 1898 he married Anglo-Irish fellow Fabian and feminist Charlotte Payne-Townshend. The couple were devoted to each other and remained together until her death in 1943 despite their mutual vow of sexual abstinence.  For most of their marriage they lived in a rural village of Ayot St Lawrence, Herefordshire at the house that became famous as Shaws Corners while maintaining a London flat.  

In 1885 Shaw’s friend and mentor, the critic William Archer, suggested that he not just complain about the theater as he found it, but that he should teach by example.  Together the two men began collaboration on a play based on an outline by Archer.  The project floundered and Archer withdrew.  Years later Shaw completed the play on his own as Widowers Houses, a scathing attack on slumlords which was first produced in 1892.  Shaw was never satisfied with it, but work on it convinced him that he had found his medium. 

Over the next twenty years he would enter a period of enormous productivity and creativity and write some of the most enduring plays in English.  All cast as comedies, they tackled the deepest issues of society in a witty, approachable way.  They were definitely talking playslong monologues expounded themes and back and forth banter sharpened them. 

The topics of many of the plays were so controversial that they first met with success in production on the Continent or America before they were accepted by British audiences.  The Devils Disciple (1897) set during the American Revolution and sharply critical of Imperialism, was a hit on Broadway before London.  Other plays of enduring appeal and still frequently performed roughly in order of their production were:  Mrs. Warrens Profession (1893),  Arms and the Man (1894), Candida (1894),  Caesar and Cleopatra (1898), Man and Superman (1902–03), John Bulls Other Island (1904), Major Barbara (1905), The Doctor’s Dilemma (1906), The Dark Lady of the Sonnets (1910), Androcles and the Lion (1912), and Pygmalion (1912–13) which was destined to become his most famous and beloved play.  

                                     Shaw's unrequited love, actress Mrs. Patrick Campbell as Eliza Doolittle in the original production of Pygmalion.

Not only were these works successful on the stage, but unlike most scripts, became avidly read by the general public.  Shaw produced three collections of plays and others were issued individually in this era.  Many had long, elaborate prefaces that were as popular as the plays themselves. 

The bloody mayhem of World War I was a disappointment and a discouraging shock to Shaw.  His beloved socialist movement had failed worldwide to prevent the conflict.  Militant workers became jingoistic patriots over night and willing cannon fodder.  He had to revise many of the sunny expectations of Fabian socialism.  Shaw grew to believe that the working class was so abased by its domination by Capitalists and the social elite that they were incapable of taking effective electoral or other political action on their own behalf. 

After the Bolshevik revolution, he reluctantly concluded that revolution and the true transformation of society had to be placed in the hands of benign supermen, who would be selectively bred by wise women selecting worthy mates.  These leaders would be able to act on behalf of the disempowered working class.  Shaw embraced a kind of eugenics in pursuit of the goal.  These ideas were explored in his most important post war plays.  Back to Methuselah (1921) was an epic consisting of 5 one act plays covering the history of humanity from the age of Genesis into the future. 

In 1924, with his reputation in Britain at a low ebb after a string of less distinguished plays and public anger at his wartime pacifism lingering, Shaw had St. Joan premiered in New York.  Coming shortly after the Catholic Churchs canonization of the Maid of Orleans, Shaw spent considerable time researching trial documents and other evidence available at the time.  He found that everyone concerned from the peasants to her accusers and Inquisitors were acting in good faith according to their beliefs.  A critic called it a tragedy without villains.  Shaw had anticipated Hannah Arendt and the banality of evil.

The play was an international sensation and was the immediate cause for the playwright’s selection for the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1925.  Shaw, who did not believe in honors, was first inclined to turn down the award but his wife convinced him to accept because it would reflect well on Ireland, the homeland he had abandoned 50 years earlier.  He did refuse the money prize and directed that it be used to “translate good Swedish books into English.” 

After St. Joan few of Shaw’s plays were memorable, although some met with initial success on the stage.  He often attracted more attention as a social commentator and as a recognizable international celebrity with his trademark 19th Century white whiskers, old fashion tweed suites, and innumerable eccentricities.   

                                As he aged Shaw was more comfortable flaunting his achievements like posing with his Nobel Medal and Oscar. 
 

In 1938 Leslie Howard prevailed upon Shaw to undertake the screen play for Pygmalion, which became an enormous international hit staring Howard and Wendy Hiller as Eliza Doolittle.  He was awarded the 1938 Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay.  Later, Alan J. Lerner used the film script as the basis for his libretto adaption, My Fair Lady.  

Through the ‘30s Shaw’s political opinions were drifting more and more authoritarian. He had an early infatuation with Mussolini until it became clear that the Italian had abandoned his early socialism.  After a visit to the Soviet Union in the early ‘30s where he met and appreciated Josef Stalin, he even endorsed humane elimination" of those “useless to society.” 

In 1938, with the world on the cusp of war, Shaw published an essay, Dictators—Let Us Have More of Them.  Shaw’s authoritarianism and favoring of eugenics—although Shaw’s version of eugenics was opposed to selection on racial or anti-Semitic grounds—has left many modern writers and critics bitterly critical of him and sometimes dismissive of his whole body of work.

Shaw did not make himself popular in Britain by maintaining his pacifism in World War II and likewise earned the bitter enmity of former Communist admirers for not supporting the Soviet Union when it was under attack.  He congratulated Eamonn de Valera and the Irish Free State for resisting Britain’s threats against neutral nations. 

But just as the first Great War changed his opinions, so did the second.  Shaw was not above admitting his mistakes.  In 1944 he published a rambling reassessment of socialism and his own views, Everybodys Political Whats What which regretted the excesses of what would later be called Stalinism and called for a replacement of simple 19th Century socialism with scientific humanism.   It was very nearly a swan song for the old man. 

There would be one more full length play, not very well written or received.  In 1949 Shaw penned a twenty minute puppet play, Shakes versus Shaw, a kind of intellectual Punch and Judy Show with Shaw and Shakespeare as the combatants.  


The famous poster for the Broadway production of My Fair Lady featured Shaw in heaven pulling Rex Harrison's strings--ironic on several levels.  Shaw was a militant atheist and would have rejected  any idea of heaven or being an angel.  He would have been outraged that the libretto used the ending from the Leslie Howard movie with Eliza returning which he despised.  And finally, Shaw was adamantly opposed to suggestions to make Pygmalian a musical and even left instructions banning his literary executor from allowing it.

The next year he was dead following complications after a fall in his garden at the age of 94.  As requested there was no religious service nor was there any use of a “torture device”—the Cross, allowed.  He had directed that his ashes be mixed with those of his wife and that they be scattered together around the statue of St. Joan in the garden at Shaw’s Corners. 

After his death a spate of revivals of his classic works in Britain, Canada, and the United States re-polished his tarnished reputation.  Today he is second only to the Bard himself in the number of his plays still regularly in production around the word.  The Old Man evidently still has something to say to us.