The 1963 first edition of The Femine Mystique. |
On
February 19, 1963 W.W. Norton and
Company issued Betty Friedan’s The
Feminine Mystique. That
book, along with the nearly contemporaneous arrival of the Pill as a reliable and affordable form of contraception, ushered in the social and political movement
sometimes called the Second Wave of
Feminism.
With
astonishing speed—less than a decade—that movement would embrace and personally
empower millions of women with local level consciousness
raising groups, sophisticated national
organizations, political operations,
and a network of publications. Long held assumptions about home, family, work, and other
issues would be turned on their heads.
It was in a real sense a revolution.
More
than 50 years later the spasmodic
eruption of the extreme right wing
in this country, empowered by the election of Republicans to national and state level legislative power, has
turned its attention to undoing that revolution. That is what the current uproar over contraception and abortion is really all about—attacking the gains women felt so
confident it that they thought they could never be challenged again. About 25% of the American population wants to
turn back the clock to what they imagine was a safer world where everyone knew
their place and “morals” ruled. They
want to recreate the very environment that Friedan rebelled against.
Friedan was born Bettye Naomi Goldstein in 1921 to a Jewish family in overwhelmingly Goyish Peoria, Illinois. Her father owned a
local jewelry store and her mother wrote society news for the local newspaper—until she was forced to give
up her career after marriage, something she urged her daughter never to do.
Growing
up in the Depression years, she
became inflamed with a passion for social
justice. She also acutely felt the
sting of common anti-Semitism. She developed an interest in Marxism while still in high school,
which may have been why, despite being a regular contributor to the school
paper, she was turned down for a spot as a columnist.
In
1938 her family found enough money to send her to prestigious Smith College, one of the Seven Sister Schools to the then all
male Ivy League. Excelling academically, she won a
scholarship to continue her education, pursuing a degree in psychology. She also continued writing, including placing
several poems in the campus literary magazine and rising to editor
of the newspaper in 1941. Under her
leadership, the paper took a sharply political and leftist tone.
After
graduating with honors in 1942, she went to the University of California at
Berkley on a Fellowship. She plunged into radical political activity
there as well. But in 1943 she abandoned
her academic aspirations at the urging of her then boyfriend.
After
leaving school she went to work as a journalist
for left wing and labor outlets, first The Federated Press and then beginning
in 1945, the United
Electrical Workers UE News.
While working at the UE
News, she married advertising executive Carl Friedan in 1947. As she continued her career the couple would
have three children and move to a comfortable suburban life. Ironically, here union employers forced her
out in 1953 after the birth of her second daughter.
Friedan then turned to freelance writing, often
contributing to main stream women’s magazines
like Cosmopolitan.
In 1957 Friedan was asked to write an article on what
happened to members of her graduating class for their 15th reunion. She sent questionnaires to as many as she could find and received over two hundred
replies. Most of her classmates, it
turned out, had abandoned careers to raise families. And they were miserable and unfulfilled. Intrigued by what she called problem that has no
name, she embarked on further research and study.
When the women’s magazines to which she regularly
contributed all rejected an article on the subject, Friedan was furious and
went to work expanding the article into a book.
Friedan speaking at an early promotional appearance for her book. |
Among other things, she came to the conclusion that
popular women’s magazines and cultural in general had abandoned independence as a goal for women and
pushed the ideal of finding fulfillment in marriage and family life. When the nuclear
family could not fulfill women and when they lost their identity and sense of self, women
became conflicted, guilt ridden, and neurotic.
Friedan advocated for women to pursue careers either in
lieu of marriage and traditional family life or within a re-defined marriage of equals.
She outlined the cultural, political, and economic barriers to
fulfillment and advocated action to tear them down.
The result was The Feminine
Mystique. It created an
immediate sensation, zoomed to the top of the non-fiction best seller list and stayed there for months. Its notoriety was stoked by the shocked and
horrified response of many, mostly male, reviewers
and the press in general.
But
women, especially middle class women, responded urgently to the books
message. They began meeting in living
rooms, libraries, church basements, and coffee shops in small groups to compare
their own experiences creating a boom in consciousness raising groups that gave
women the support of their sisters and empowered them to act.
As a founder and first President of NOW, Friedan gave feminism new organizational power. |
A
sudden celebrity, Friedan found herself anointed de facto the leader of a new movement. In 1966 she helped make that status official
by being among the founders of the National
Organization for Women (NOW),
which quickly gave political muscle to the new movement. She was elected NOW’s first President and launched their first
major initiative—a push to revive the moribund Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution
and get it ratified by the States.
She
served NOW as President until 1970 and then went on to lead the national Women’s
Strike for Equality, and led a march of 50,000 women in New York City. The next year she teamed with her
sometimes bitter rival for
leadership of the movement, Gloria Steinem,
to found the National Women’s Political
Caucus.
Friedan was also a founder of the organization that
became the National Abortion Rights
Action League. Despite this she
later regretted the emphasis on abortion and sexual rights, believing that the
core of the women’s struggle was economic
opportunity. She was also
uncomfortable with the rising visibility and importance of lesbians in the movement, although over time her notorious iciness
to them softened and became more accepting.
Friedan was not without critics—and not all of them were enemies of the women’s
movement. She was abrasive, often angry,
and hard to work with for associates.
She demanded deference to her position as an indispensible founder.
Beyond personality, some critics of her landmark first book took her to
task for writing only for highly educated women in the solid middle class. Indeed they were the focus of The Feminine Mystique and the backbone
of the early movement. Non-whites and working class women—women who had always worked to support their
families and had jobs instead of careers—were at best the subject of
benign neglect.
Friedan,
originally a socialist and labor person, seemed to have forgotten some of her
own experiences. But she firmly believed
that the ERA and reforms like insuring equal pay would raise all boats and
elevate the status of pink collar
workers along with educated professionals.
Friedan as an honored, but controversial, Women's Movement elder. |
But
the seeming disdain of the early movement for working class women, and the
perceived antagonism to women who chose a traditional family role, quickly
became the nucleus around which the rising right wing movement of the late 20st
and early 21st Century spun its fantasy of snobbish
elites turning class resentments
against feminists and other progressives.
Friedan
continued writing, speaking and organizing almost to the moment of her
death. She never mellowed. She died on
her 85th birthday, February 4, 2006. She
left behind three children—and the Women’s Movement.
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