Generic 19th Century rioting picture. Apparently all of the sketch artists were assigned elsewhere that day in Portland, but this is probably as accurate as if one had been there. |
A lot of people were surprised when Maine became the first state to enact a prohibition law way back in 1851. None were more surprised than the inhabitants of Portland, a busy seaport
and the home to a large, and somewhat rowdy Irish population
plus a good many wine loving French-Canadians. They were said to consume more alcohol per capita than
any other city in America—and that was a lot even by the thirsty standards of the early 19th Century.
Over
300 establishments served or sold
alcohol along a stretch of streets
near the wharves, some of it by the dram over the bar, some in jugs and bottles, and some in open
tubs to be ladled out to outstretched tin cups. Previously, by law employers were expected to provide rum breaks to laborers at 11 am and 4 pm.
Although
beer, wine, and other distilled
liquors were available, the drink of the masses was rum. And on the rum trade and the distillery
business most of the big and fashionable houses of the local merchant elite had been built. Raw
sugar imported from the Caribbean was
made into rum for domestic consumption
and for export. The wealth
rolled in.
So
how could such a state and city become the first to ban the manufacture, sales,
and consumption of alcohol? The credit or blame goes to the tireless
efforts of Neal S. Dow, a Quaker and reformer who became known as the Napoleon of Temperance and the Father
of Prohibition. Sailors on the ships calling in Portland and the local Irish rabble called him more colorful names.
Neal Dow, Father of Prohibition and Mayor of Portland was just about as much fun as you would guess from this picture of him swathed in Quaker black. |
Born in 1804 he was a life-long teetotaler and an early zealot of the infant anti-alcohol movement.
He had helped found the Maine
Temperance Society in 1827. When
that group proved to be less than
absolutist—they only wanted to ban the distilled spirits and beer of
working people while allowing the sale
and consumption of wine, the preferred beverage of the privileged elite—he split off and
created the absolutely 100% dry Maine Temperance Union ten years
later.
Unlike
many reformers, Dow was not above
getting his hands dirty in electoral
politics. In fact he turned out to
be a gifted politician. The first efforts to enact state-wide
prohibition began in the Legislature
in 1837. It was soundly defeated, but undeterred
supporters came back year after year.
The
influx of Irish immigrants in the 1840’s frightened Maine Yankees. Support for prohibition grew as Dow and
other supporters painted lurid pictures
of depravity among the unwelcome aliens. Prohibition quickly became a vengeful arrow
point straight at the heart of the immigrant community. By 1849 supporters got enough support to get a bill through the legislature, but
failed to get the Governor’s signature.
In
April of 1851 Dow was elected Mayor of Portland. He put all of his powers of persuasion and political
clout to reviving the bill. Again it
passed both Houses—many voted for it fully expecting,
and hoping that the new Governor, John
Hubbard would veto it. Dow got Hubbard’s ear and persuaded or
pressured him to sign, which he did on June 2 of that year.
The
national press dubbed it the Maine Law and Temperance forces around
the country began pressuring state legislators to copy it. Dow was hailed as the hero of the movement and
was invited to be the keynote speaker
at the convention of the largest national Temperance society.
Portland
voters, including not only the scummy Irish,
but the small merchants who had operated all of those dram shops, bars,
and grocery stores that sold liquor, and plenty of thirsty Protestants as well, had a different view. They handily
threw Dow out of office in the
next election.
The
legislature was also under pleasure and began to ease both the terms of prohibition and the enforcement of the unpopular
measure. Within a few years the rum
trade was almost back to normal with
various exemptions and exceptions and “home bars” serving the needs of the thirsty.
Undeterred,
Dow ran again—and lost again—on a promise of rigorous enforcement in 1854.
The following year, with the public support of the new Republican Party and the clandestine support of the secret, nativist Know Nothings, Dow got
his old job back by a razor thin 47
vote margin.
He
acted as if he had been given an overwhelming
mandate and began once again clamping
down on the liquor trade. The
thirsty native grew restless.
In
late May of 1851 rumors began to spread that a large supply of liquor, supposedly belonging to Dow, was being kept
in the City Hall basement and would be sold at the
Mayor’s private profit. The rumors
were half true. A large
shipment of alcohol did arrive at City Hall, and it was slated for
sale. But the booze was bought by the city
for strictly controlled sale for “medical and industrial” uses as outlined in the State law. It was to be sold by a city owned liquor store on the first
floor the building.
The
angry Irish, suspecting criminal hypocrisy
took advantage of a state law that
allowed any three citizens to petition a judge for a search warrant, if they believed a crime had been committed. Judges
were required to grant the warrant. Which a local judge did.
A
crowd of about 200 men marched from the
Court House to City Hall on the afternoon of June 2, coincidently the anniversary date of the adoption of the state prohibition
law. They presented their warrant at the door and demanded to be admitted to carry out a lawful search. Not only
were they not admitted, but local
law enforcement authorities made it clear that they would not execute the warrant or conduct a search.
A stand-off of sorts happened. But the crowd grew as men heard of the affair and got off work. By early evening many, some say over a thousand, were angrily milling about and making threats to rush the building. There was pushing and shoving and
some rock throwing.
Dow
called out the local Militia. When they arrived they gave the crowd one order to disperse, probably not even heard by most. Then, on Dow’s personal and direct order, the Militia opened fire on the crowd.
Twenty-two year old John Robbins,
an immigrant and first mate of a costal merchant ship was killed
outright. At least 7 more were injured, including,
apparently at least some bystanders.
Despite
heavy public criticism for excessive use of force, Dow expressed no remorse. On the contrary, he bragged about “doing his duty” in letters to other national
Temperance leaders. He never expressed condolences to the
families of the dead and wounded. He characterized them as members of a savage, uncivilized mob. A local group of Temperance women presented
him with a large silver cup in
gratitude and he accepted it with pride.
But
he could not get re-elected. He was ousted
by a wide vote and never regained job again.
Over
the next few years the legislature alternately
loosened and tightened prohibition laws.
But agitation over Abolition—another
of Dow’s causes—put prohibition on the back
burner.
Even the prestige of being a Civil War Brigadier General and war hero was not enough to resurect Dow's political career. |
When
the Civil War broke out, Dow, still
a powerful figure in the Republican
Party, had no problem being appointed Colonel
of the 13th Maine Infantry. He served under General Benjamin Butler in the capture
of New Orleans and was promoted to Brigadier General and was eventually placed in command of the District of Florida. In an assault on Port Hudson in Louisiana he
was badly injured and evacuated to a plantation home for care. He
was captured by Confederate forces and served 7 months in a prison camp before he was exchanged
for Robert E. Lee’s son General Fitzhugh Lee. In broken
health, he left the Army.
After
the war and after recovering from
his wounds, Dow threw himself with customary energy back into his two
passions—Temperance and politics. In
1865 he helped found a new
organization, the National Temperance
Society and Publishing House which became the vigorous propaganda arm of the movement churning out books, pamphlets,
and tracts that flooded the nation.
Eventually he saw dozens of states
adopt versions of the Maine Law.
Politics
was tougher. Despite the cachet of being a Union General
and wounded war hero—credentials enough to launch scores of political careers, and
being a powerful figure in the most dominant state Republican Party in the
country, he was still so hated by
the mass of Portland’s working classes that he could not hope to win any elective office. Moreover as the years wore on he became disenchanted with what he considered the Republican Party’s tepid support of prohibition policies.
In1880
he abandoned his ties to the
Republicans and at the age of 76 accepted the Prohibition Party nomination
for President. He garnered only 10,000 popular votes and placed a distant fourth place to James A. Garfield, Democrat Winfield Scott Hancock, and James Baird Wheeler of the Greenbacks. He thus departed the national political scene as something of a ridiculous figure.
Dow
lived on until October 7, 1897 when he died
at the age of 93. He left his house to the cause to which he
dedicated his life. It is the long time headquarters of Maine’s Women’s Christian Temperance Union and
a shrine to his memory. It was declared a National Historic Site in 1974.
Ironically,
after the adoption of national Prohibition
in 1919, Portland became a prime center for
smuggling whiskey by boat from Canada and Scotland.
A Canadian boat transfers kegs of whiskey to an American rum runner in international waters during national Prohibition. Portland was a major smuggler's port. |
Maine ratified the Twenty-first Amendment to the Constitution in December of 1933 only
after the required 36 state had acted to end prohibition. The state
law was overturned at the same time, which was upheld in a statewide referendum in 1934.
Today,
despite the 20 old ladies of the
WCTU who still gather at Dow House, Maine
drinks as the nation drinks.
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