Note: Portions
of this post appeared just a year ago.
The message seems timelier than ever, so I have adapted it for the
current moment.
Class War, it’s nothing new. In fact part of the power of the
phrase comes because it conjures up images of bloody revolution.
Depending on which side you are on, you envision the Paris Mob dragging their betters to the guillotine and grim Bolshevik
hoards or American militia attacking a camp of sleeping striking miners with machine
guns. My old outfit, the Industrial
Workers of the World (IWW), a product of those times, put it
unflinchingly in their famous Preamble, “The
working class and the employing class have nothing in common…”
But we haven’t heard much about Class War in America for the last several decades
until fairly recently. That’s because the Depression era reforms of the New
Deal effectively called a truce. American workers were granted
certain protections—child labor laws, the 40 hour work week, the right to
unionize, unemployment insurance, Social
Security—in exchange for refraining from trying to carry the heads of Henry Ford, John D. Rockefeller, and
assorted other malefactors of great wealth around the streets on pikes.
The bargain seemed to work out well for just about everyone
concerned. The reforms, combined with the industrial explosion fueled by World War II production, post-war
technological innovation, and the unchallenged dominance of the American
economy in the world lifted millions out of what Jack London had called The
Abyss into the comfortable middle
class. The bosses made out pretty well, too. Not only did they
find an enormous new markets for their consumer goods and millions of new
investors—via pension plans and individual enthusiasm—in their companies, but
they could sleep soundly at night without a pistol under the pillow.
In the last decade or so the phrase has been making a
comeback, however. Not on the lips of the working class, mind you, but in
the fevered visions of a resurgent right
wing. You started to hear it in Congress
every time a Democrat stood up to
propose a new program for the poor, or more recently, whenever one would
challenge the latest attempts to repeal the New Deal. Every time any
hapless mope would suggest not dropping trousers on command for a good fucking
by the rich, wails of “Class War! Class War!” would erupt.
When the faux
populists of the Tea Party,
obediently carrying out the orders of the ultra-rich ideologues that funded
them, arrived in Congress not only did they capture the Republican Party, but
they ratchet up talk of Class War.
And not only in Congress. A wave of Tea Party
governors and state legislatures unencumbered with effective Democratic
opposition, enacted wave upon wave of draconian assaults on working people in
the name of budgetary responsibility and “getting government off our
backs.” When the people of Wisconsin
rose up en-mass for a sustained series of demonstrations, occupation of the
state capital, and recall elections, panic on the right rose to new
levels. Class War! Class War! Class!
But it has become more and more apparent that Class War is
what is being waged by a class of plutocrats and oligarchs and their petty
hirelings, the alternately snarling and simpering talking heads of a bought and
paid for media, and the barely disguised puppets of their own private political
party.
With Mitt Romney,
despite the fact that he was never trusted by Tea Party mob it created, the oligarchy finally had one of their very
own poised to usurp the last tattered shreds of liberal power. The utter destruction of Barack Obama all he stood
for seemed at hand.
But Romney and his cronies were too smug. A secret tape from a deep pocket Florida fundraiser surfaced with
Romney’s forthright admission that he was fighting an intransigent “47% of
voters” who allegedly “paid no taxes” and
were so dependent on government handouts that they would never vote for
him. Virtuous producers and wealth
makers were not enough to win the election, so Romney begged his donors for
money to swamp the undecided 10% into voting for him.
The uproar upon release was predictable. The language used insulted half of America,
including many folks who traditionally vote Republican—older voters, veterans,
the remnants of the blue collar white working class resentful of completion from
minorities. With his campaign in chaos
and Republicans and conservative pundits turning on him, not for his meanings,
but for being foolish enough to be caught stating plainly what is usually
coached in code, Romney said only that he had spoken “inelegantly” but refused
to back down on the sentiments. He, in
the popular political buzz phrase of the day,
“doubled down” and reiterated his
position in an op-ed piece and today
in a public appearance in Florida.
Predictably, faced with this open declaration of Class War, Romney’s
poll numbers, already sinking after the parade of snarlers, bigots, and zealots
the Republican Nation Convention
have began a free fall.
For his part, as is his want, the President took the
reasonable high ground declaring simply that it was his job to be President of “100%
of America” and to chat pleasantly with David
Letterman.
Yet while contrasting himself to Romney, he did not reject
all his opponent has come to mean. He
still spoke of reasonable compromise.
And he did not even plead for the election of a friendly Democratic
Party majority in both houses of Congress in order to enact a “progressive”
agenda now blocked.
Last year after cries of Class War erupted over his jobs
bill and plans to modestly raise taxes on the wealthy Obama said, “It’s not
Class War, it’s math.” Clever line, but wrong. There is a Class
War. It is being wage ruthlessly and effectively—by the wealthy and the
new class of their ideological political servants.
Just how far this vision of Class War has come from
political maneuvering and posturing was pointed up in a speech to acolytes at
that time by right wing Blogger and
hero Andrew Breitbard with the
bloody scalp of Rep. Andrew Weiner dangling
from his belt. He called for real war—with guns blazing—on Liberals, the enemy in the Class
War. And he made it abundantly clear that he was not speaking
metaphorically or in jest. He meant every word of it, to wit:
I always think to myself, “Fire the first shot.” Bring it
on. Because I know who’s on our side. They can only win a rhetorical and
propaganda war. They cannot win. We outnumber them in this country, and we have
the guns. [audience laughter] I’m not kidding. They talk a mean game, but they
will not cross that line because they know what they’re dealing with. And I
have people who come up to me in the military, major named people in the military,
who grab me and they go, “Thank you for what you’re doing, we’ve got your back.”
Now this kind of rhetoric has not been uncommon on the
fringe of the fringe, those web sites where Tea Party crazies fade seamlessly
into neo-Nazis, neo-Confederates, skin heads, Klansmen, and militia types. Michelle Bachmann made hints in this direction by referring to
possible “Second Amendment options”
if electoral politics are not sufficient to create a revolution. But
that was the first time a big name on the right, one who is taken with deadly
seriousness by the national media, has come out in advocacy of such
violence.
It would not be the last.
Similar language is popping up from Virginia
Republican newsletters to off the cuff speeches by lawmakers and officials in
Texas, Arizona, Florida and elsewhere.
None of which is slapped down or denounced by the supposedly respectable
elements of the GOP and conservative movement.
The background chatter for class war and revolution is
ratcheting up across the cesspool that is the right wing blog-o-sphere.
This rhetoric just plays to the rich fantasy lives of many
of followers who cast themselves as the heroes of the epic movies in their
heads, dealing death and vengeance with righteousness. These folks
sometimes do not take a lot of prodding, or wink-and-nod approval to cross the
line from fantasy to the headlines of the next “crazed lone gunman” story.
In the face off all of this rising spleen, working people,
whose lives and incomes have come under tireless assault, have been strangely,
until Wisconsin, silent. But a year of
the Occupy Movement has opened up
new possibilities of resistance—even of boldly taking an offensive position in
a new acknowledged class war. The mass
take-it-to-the-streets energy of the Chicago
Teachers’ Strike astounded the pundits who routinely vilify teacher and
their unions when parents and the general public flocked to the support of the
teachers.
As for me, I am glad for signs that our side of the Class War—here-to-fore the losing
side—is beginning to fight back. Yes, we will fight back in the voting
booth. That is our first defense against
a total takeover by the ruthless oligarchy.
But it is in the streets, in the neighborhood, on the job that we will
go on the offensive. We won’t slack our
thirst for justice on what trickles down or be grateful for the crumbs brushed
for our betters’ tables. We will demand
and take what is by rights our own.
Class war? Count me as one geezer ready to re-enlist.
Who’s with me?
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