Note—It has been since Tuesday
that the last entry in this series appeared. Both personal scheduling problems
and the complexity of the story has resulted in the delay. But we finally take up the story Lincoln was
elected President of the United States. In
this conclusion he faces his immediate crisis, and we examine how he used
issues of race and slavery to advance he proclaimed war objective of preserving
the Union and how his views evolved.
If Lincoln held any real hope that his pledges not to interfere with slavery in states where it was established,
and his protestations of racial loyalty would mollify the South he was quickly disabused of the notion. Before he took the oath of office the seven states had seceded and the Confederacy was formed on
February 8, 1861 with seven states—South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas. They elected Jefferson
Davis president and established a capitol at Mobile, Alabama.
After having to sneak through Baltimore to avoid secessionist mobs Lincoln still tried to extend gestures of peace to the South in his First Inaugural Address:
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that
by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace
and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable
cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary
has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in
nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote
from one of those speeches when I declare that “I have no purpose, directly or
indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it
exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to
do so”… We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies ... The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield, and
patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land,
will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will
be, by the better angels of our nature.
But it was futile. Lincoln pledged to protect the Union. War finally broke
out when Confederate forces fired on Fort Sumpter in the harbor at Charleston, South Carolina
on April 12, 1861. From the beginning
Lincoln insisted that his only war aim was the preservation of the Union and tried to downplay the issue of slavery. More states
joined the rebellion—Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina. Border states Kentucky and
Missouri attempted to establish Confederate governments, but the states officially
remained in the Union despite fighting. Slave
holding Delaware and Maryland were kept in the Union mainly by virtual occupation,
although Maryland would go on to provide substantial numbers of troops to the
North. Unionist west counties seceded from
the Old Dominion and were admitted to the Union as the new state of West Virginia.
Hopes for a quick war and “home by Christmas” were quickly dashed by a series
of Confederate victories and Union disasters.
With the war dragging on members of his Cabinet especially Secretary of
State William Seward and Radical Republicans in Congress began to press for direct action on slavery. Lincoln wrote to Horace Greely:
If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if
I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it
by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that… I have here
stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no
modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be
free.
By 1862 he would put that assertion to the
test. With the war dragging on and casualties mounting horrifically he began to
view abolition of slavery in the rebellious states as both an attack on the economic foundation of Southern
Society and a potential rallying cause for war weary Northerners. Slaves near front lines were already
abandoning their masters’
plantations and flocking to the protection of the Union
Army. Some commanders welcomed them, others declared them contraband
of war—property—and put them to labor in construction and transportation
gangs. Lincoln surmised
if word got out that they would be freed more slaves would do the same even away from the lines. He also began to consider how Blacks could be
armed and included in the
Army.
But to make a move, he felt he had to act after a
hard to come by major victory in the field so as not to appear to be acting out of weakness. The bloody
Battle of Antietam, a narrow Union victory even though it failed to smash Robert E. Lee’s Army
of Northern Virginia finally gave him the opportunity
he was looking for.
On September 22, 1862, five days after Antietam, Lincoln called his Cabinet
into session and
issued the Preliminary
Emancipation Proclamation to go into effect on
January 1, 1863. The Proclamation only
covered Southern states and area under “active rebellion.” He took the interim to sell the country on
his military authority as Commander in Chief to take the action and to consolidate support for it. He also made a case that it gave rebellious
states 100 days to end their rebellion and rejoin the Union to preserve their slaves. Of course, he knew
that note would.
Thousands of Free Blacks and former
slaves were then enlisted in the Army as units of the U.S. Colored Troops. Many fought bravely and with distinction in actions like the doomed assault of Fort Donelson during the Siege
of Charleston in 1863 and the Battle of the Crater in 1864. He was outraged by the massacre of
Black troops captured at Fort Pillow in Tennessee in 1864 by forces
under the command of Nathan Bedford Forrest who would go on to found the
Ku Klux Klan after the war others provided garrison troops behind the lines protecting seized Confederate
territory and freeing White regiments for the front lines. Others were
placed in labor battalions and often
given dangerous assignments like
handling ammunition and powder.
Collectively all were a critical addition to Union forces and
earned grudging respect from many White
troops.
Lincoln’s views of Blacks were also
evolving through personal contact with Frederick Douglass who
visited the Executive Mansion at least twice and others lesser known
individuals who made personal appeals to the President on behalf of
loved ones. In Douglass and other Black leaders,
he found intellectual strength and ability that he had previously
dismissed. His human sympathy
was aroused by the common Blacks he encountered.
But perhaps he was most influenced
far closer to home. Mary, whose
mental health was effected by the death of her son Willie and who was beset
by critics for her extravagance, was also assumed by many to
be a Confederate sympathizer and perhaps even a spy, especially after
she brought her half-sister Emily Todd Helm to stay with her in December
1863, after the death of her husband, Confederate General Benjamin Hardin
Helm was killed at the Battle of Chattanooga. Another half-sister, Martha
Todd White, of Selma, Alabama, obtained a pass from Lincoln
to come through the lines and was accused of smuggling contraband
of war on her return trip. But Mary, who
frequently accompanied her husband on field inspections and hospital visits,
became increasingly hostile to the Rebels. She was extremely close to her live-in
dressmaker and personal friend Elizabeth Keckly, the Black seamstress
who previously had served the Jefferson Davis Family. Keckly had Mary’s ear
about the injustices, sufferings, and ambitions of her people and spoke to the
President as well. Lincoln also developed
friendships with the Mansion’s Black servants especially his personal valet,
majordomo, and secret confidant William Slade.
Mary also came under the personal sway
of arch-abolitionist Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. Lincoln
was often beset and frustrated by criticism for moving too slowly against
slavery and attempted interference with his conduct of the war by
the New Englander and by the Radical Republican block in the House led
by Pennsylvania Congressman Thaddeus Stevens. Mary privately advanced
their arguments to the President and in turn served as bridge to them,
according to Presidential historian Doris Kearns Goodwin. Most would modify their hostility to the
President after the Emancipation Proclamation.
Lincoln racism reputation has also
been tainted by the 1862 uprising of the Dakota in the ancestral
Sioux heartland of Minnesota and Dakota Territory. The uprising took settlers across
Minnesota by surprise with dozens of farmsteads attacked,
burned, and their residents killed.
Established towns like New Ulm were attacked and settlers fled in
a panic toward the safety of St. Paul.
Most of the Minnesota Militia had been Federalized and Volunteer
Regiments which had been raised took many fit and able
military age men and were serving on the front lines. The president considered the native uprising
a stab in the back to the greater war effort and had to
contemplate diverting forces to meet the threat.
His attitude was also shaped by his
past as a militia volunteer during the Black Hawk War of 1836. Although New Salem was safe and far
south of the action in northwestern Illinois and southern Wisconsin and he
never participated in any fighting during his two one-month
enlistments he had seen refugees in Wisconsin and other signs of attacks on
settlers. He shared the common attitude
that Native Americans should be expelled from areas of White settlement
or where Whites wanted to settle.
Within a few weeks a hastily
assembled rag-tag force of the few remaining trained Minnesota Militia, raw
recruits, and a handful of Federal garrison troops and eventually members of
the 3rd Minnesota Infantry Regiment from the front finally put down the
uprising capturing many warriors and villages and sending other fleeing
to the Dakota frontier and ultimately to Canada.
The mass hanging of 38 chiefs and warriors after the 1862 Great Dakota Uprising in Minnesota was laid at Lincoln feet.
On September 27, 1862, Colonel
Henry Hastings Sibley ordered the creation of a military
commission to conduct trials of captured Dakota warriors. It was highly irregular and conducted
outside both civil and military courts. The hasty trial was conducted amid highly inflamed
public opinion by officers who had been engaged in the conflict. The Commission announced that 303 prisoners were
convicted of murder and rape and were sentenced to death. Lincoln requested details of the cases and
asked if any might be less culpable than others. Amid both demands for revenge and some
pleas for leniency the President commuted the death sentences of
264 prisoners, but he allowed the execution of 39 men. On December 23, suspended
the execution of one of the condemned men after Sibley telegraphed that
new information led him to doubt the prisoner’s guilt. The number of condemned men was reduced
to the final 38.
A mass hanging was held on
December 26 at Mankato, Minnesota. It
was the largest one-day mass execution in American history. Congress
abolished the eastern Dakota and Ho-Chunk (Winnebago) reservations
in Minnesota and declared their treaties null and void. In May 1863,
the eastern Dakota and Ho-chunk imprisoned at Fort Snelling at the
confluence of the Minnesota and Mississippi Rivers were exiled
from Minnesota.
Despite whatever mercy Lincoln
showed in his commutations, Native Americans still hold him responsible for the
execution atrocity and the cultural devastation of the Dakota and Ho-Chunk
including the exile of many non-combatants, opponents of the
uprising, and even allies who had provided intelligence cooperation
to the troops.
Still, for Lincoln the uprising and
its aftermath were a blip compared to the much greater struggle to which he
again rapidly turned his full attention.
As the war drew to a close,
Lincolns professed attitudes about Blacks and their future evolved.
No where was that more evident than
in Lincoln’s drive to get the 13th Amendment which abolished
slavery across the United States in loyal Border States as well as the secessionist
Confederacy. Backed by Radical Republicans it had passed
the Senate where no rebellious states were represented but narrowly was
defeated in the House by Border State Representatives and united Democratic
opposition in early 1864. Lincoln’s reelection
victory in November after he had made abolition by Constitutional Amendment
the center piece of his campaign along with Republican Congressional
victories were characterized as popular mandates for final
action.
It would still be an uphill
battle and would require the votes of a handful of wavering Republicans, at
least some Democrats, and a somewhat uneasy alliance with his former harsh
critics among the Radical Republicans.
Lincoln determined that the best chance for passage would come during
the lame duck session of Congress when the votes of some retiring
or defeated incumbents who had nothing to lose might be swayed.
Lincoln wrote to Congress in his
December 6, 1864 State of the Union Address, “there is only a question
of time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the States for their
action. And as it is to so go, at all events, may we not agree that the sooner
the better?”
He instructed Secretary of State
William H. Seward, Representative John B. Alley, and others to procure
votes by any means necessary, and they promised government posts
and campaign contributions to outgoing Democrats willing to switch
sides. Seward had a large fund
for direct bribes. Ashley, who reintroduced the measure into the House,
also lobbied several Democrats to vote in favor of the measure. Thaddeus Stevens later commented that ‘the
greatest measure of the Nineteenth Century was passed by corruption aided and
abetted by the purest man in America.”
On January 31, 1865, the House
called another vote on the amendment, with neither side being certain of
the outcome. With a total of 183 House members—one seat was vacant—122 needed
to vote aye to secure passage. Eight Democrats abstained—many of them
bribed to do so—reduced the number to 117. Every Republican (84), Independent
Republican (2), and Unconditional Unionist (16) supported the
measure, as well as fourteen Democrats, almost all of them lame ducks, and
three Unionists. The amendment finally passed by a vote of 119 to 56, narrowly
reaching the required two-thirds majority.[61] The House exploded
into celebration, with some members openly weeping. Black onlookers, who
had only been allowed to attend Congressional sessions since the
previous year, cheered from the galleries.
It was an exhausting political
master stroke by Lincoln as the war was driving to a close. Ratification by the States moved with astounding
speed. By the end of February, 18
states had ratified the amendment. Among them were the ex-Confederate states of
Virginia and Louisiana, where ratifications were submitted by Reconstruction
governments. On December 18, 1865, Secretary
of State Seward certified that the 13th Amendment had become valid as
a part of the Constitution.
By that time Lincoln was dead.
On April 4, 1865, two days after
Confederate forces evacuated Richmond, Lincoln and his son Tad
visited the still smoldering ruins of the South’s former Capital.
As they stepped ashore, they were instantly recognized by the
former slaves, who surrounded them weeping and cheering,
declaring him a Liberator and a savior.
He was deeply moved.
With that fresh in his mind the President
publicly foresaw for the first time a future in which some Black men could
enjoy citizenship rights. In his last public speech on April 11, 1865,
just two days after Lee surrendered at Appomattox Courthouse, Lincoln
saw an opportunity to present a case to the public.
As he described the work of 12,000
Louisianans loyal to the Union who had abolished slavery within the state,
Lincoln, for the first time by any President, publicly stated that he favored
giving at least some Black men, including the “very intelligent and...those who
serve our cause as soldiers” the right to vote. His public endorsement of limited
black suffrage prompted John Wilkes Booth, who stood watching from
the crowd, to declare “that is the last speech he will ever make.” Three days
later, on April 14, 1865, Booth shot Lincoln at Ford’s Theatre, fatally
wounding the 16th President of the United States.
Lincoln’s death left the scope
and details of Reconstruction up in the air. He had approved of General Ulysses S
Grant’s lenient parole of Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia. He foresaw a soft Reconstruction with
former Confederates who swore loyalty to the Union quickly resorted to full citizenship
rights and states quickly re-admitted—or recognized since in
his view they never had the right to secede at all. He doesn’t seem to have given much thought
about how that would effect the newly freed slaves. He still vaguely supported resettlement
in Africa but had probably abandoned in real hope that could be accomplished.
Despite this the Radical Republicans
who had once scorned him immediately raise the slain President to the
status of a pure and holy martyr and used that to push for their sweeping
Reconstruction reforms and military protection for freed slaves and Reconstruction
governments against the resistance of President Andrew Johnson. Although Johnson narrowly escaped their impeachment
trial, the Radicals were able to extend Federal Protection for several
years.
Assessing Lincoln’s whole legacy on
race is still controversial. Opinions
range from the wholly condemantional to vestiges of the Great
Emancipator image.
We will leave this examination with
words by honored Harvard historian Henry Louis Gates:
Whereas abolition was a central aspect of Lincoln’s moral
compass, racial equality was not …Lincoln
despised slavery as an institution, an economic institution that discriminated
against white men who couldn’t afford to own slaves and, thus, could not profit
from the advantage in the marketplace that slaves provided. At the same time,
however, he was deeply ambivalent about the status of black people vis-Ă -vis
white people, having fundamental doubts about their innate intelligence and
their capacity to fight nobly with guns against white men in the initial years
of the Civil War… [Lincoln] certainly embraced
anti-black attitudes and phobias in his early years and throughout his debates
with Douglas in the 1858 Senate race… By the end of the Civil War, Lincoln was
on an upward arc, perhaps heading toward becoming the man he has since been
mythologized as being: the Great Emancipator, the man who freed — and loved —
the slaves. But his journey was certainly not complete on the day that he died.
Abraham Lincoln wrestled with race until the end.
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