Fredrick Jackson Turner as a young scholar. |
Imagine
a time when a historian, of all obscure scribblers, was so famous
school children knew his name by heart. I
know. It boggles the mind. Yet that was the fate of Fredrick Jackson Turner who as a young professor at the University
of Wisconsin published in 1893 a single
article that so revolutionized the way that American expansionism was
viewed that the Turner Thesis was
explicitly taught and dwelled on in American
history text books down to the high school level. At least when I was growing up in the mid-60’s.
Much
of American history before Turner was written along the lines of the Great Man theory—that great men moved and shaped history almost by the strength of their will. That was heavily leavened by doses of hagiography and patriotic myth building. A
good deal of work was done in political
history, and the academic discipline
was often a battleground for apologists for various parties and philosophies. Little if any attention was paid to the experiences of the so-called common man, minority and marginal
populations, sociological or economic forces.
Turner,
in a mild, scholarly way, changed that.
He was a believer in digging
deeper. He scoured public records of
all sorts for demographic and economic data. Who lived where and where did they come
from. What did they produce, consume, and
how did they obtain their raw materials.
He believed in documentary evidence,
but discounted memory or individual narrative story. He understood engrained bias, including his own, so believed that documentary
mining of original source material combined with a multi-disciplinary approach was the best way to uncover historical
truth.
That
was how after tedious examination of census
records, practically track by track,
Federal land sale and homesteading records, production statistics for food and raw
materials, and rail way expansion, he came to a startling
conclusion. From the time of the
earliest English settlements on the
continent, there had been a relatively easy to define frontier line west of which was “unclaimed” wilderness inhabited by native tribes and mostly unexploited
or unavailable to the settled populations. In the first two hundred years of settlement,
that line was slowly pushed back to roughly the Allegany and Appalachian
Mountains and stubbornly remained there from the conclusion of the French and Indian Wars until after the American Revolution.
Then
in the scant 100 years from 1790 to
1890 that frontier line was pushed steadily west at an average rate of about
100 miles per generation—and eventually also east from the Pacific Coast. But by 1890
that unbroken line had ceased to exist.
To be sure, in the vastness of the trans-Mississippi
West, there were still by-passed,
isolated pockets devoid of
settlement or exploitation. But those
were mostly inhospitable dessert, or
rugged and remote mountain areas. Some places were thinly populated, but stitched together by miles of railroad and telegraph lines and integrated into the American economy. Armed
opposition to expansion by remnant
native populations had virtually vanished.
It
must be noted here, before going on, that Turner’s understanding of the
frontier ignored the experiences of French and Spanish settlement
in North America, both of which
pushed far into the interior of the
continent early while the English were still clinging to the seaboard and both of which had different experiences with the natives
they encountered. The French chose trade, military alliance, and even intermarriage
and absorption. The Spanish took the road of conquest, enslavement, and exploitation
of the natives. The English would
always prefer displacement, replacement, and annihilation.
But
the Americans moving west had largely swept aside the French and Spanish along
with the native peoples. Turner took no
particular note of them.
For
Turner the question was what did his announced closing of the frontier mean?
This is where he turned from statistical analysis to philosophic interpretation. The frontier and its promise of cheap or free land, adventure, and opportunity had provided a safety
valve to exploding populations
in the east. Younger sons who could not inherit
the family farm, the always landless,
laboring populations, and immigrants found the west an attractive alternative to stacking up
in increasingly dirty and crowded cities
to be exploited for low wages.
In
addition the frontier was lightly held
by central government authority and
not yet dominated by old aristocrats or new plutocrats and so provided a kind of rough equality and operated as a “laboratory for democracy.”
He paid scant or no attention
to the rights of indigenous people, minorities of all sorts, and women who were excluded from the
democratic experiment.
The
frontier experience, Turner argued, had come to define the recognizable American character—informality, violence, crudeness, democracy, self-reliance,
and innovation in solving problems and adapting to conditions.
Without
the safety valve, how would American civilization be changed? Turner was less explicit about this, but hints that rising inequality and population
pressures would probably lead to re-channeled
energies in some areas—scientific
and industrial innovation, for
instance—and greater class conflict
on the other.
Turner
published his Thesis in a scholarly article in 1893. Within three decades, thanks in no small part
to Turner’s relentless promotion of
the idea and his growing prestige in
academia, it was central to teaching American history in most universities and
by the 1950’s was prominently ensconced in high school texts along with the
name Fredrick Jackson Turner.
Turner
was born in Portage, Wisconsin on November 14, 1861. The name of his father, Andrew Jackson Turner was indicative of the family’s devotion to
democracy. The elder Turner, while not a
pioneer farmer, had shown similar restlessness and initiative by relocating to
Portage from Up State New York in
1855, just a few short years after the conclusion of the Black Hawk War opened the region to settlement. The elder Jackson was owner and publisher of
the local newspaper and a devotee of
a new kind of democracy as represented in the Republican Party. He served
in the state legislature and as mayor of the city.
Young
Fredrick Jackson early showed a scholarly
bent. He read and was deeply
influenced by Ralph Waldo Emerson,
as well as by Charles Darwin and
other scientist/philosophers like Herbert
Spencer and Thomas Huxley.
While
studying at the University of Wisconsin in Madison, young Turner became
attracted to the forward thinking, non-dogmatic Unitarianism that flourished on and around campus. He graduated from the University with high
honors in History in 1884. He went on to
the new and progressive Johns Hopkins University for graduate
studies and earned his PhD in
1890. His doctoral thesis was The
Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in Wisconsin.
Wisconsin
was glad to have him back as a professor of history that fall. Shortly after returning he began the research
that would lead to his publication of the Turner Thesis which was published in
1893 and immediately drew attention.
Turner
was not the kind of historian to turn out a magnum opus. Indeed his only books were compilations of
articles. He preferred to publish
articles in scholarly magazines and journals.
He often reiterated his ideas in articles posted to several journals
with different specialties or interests to spread his ideas. Still, he conducted relentless research, the results of which were kept on meticulously maintained index cards. Much of that original research never resulted
in any kind of publication, but has been mined
by disciples and subsequent scholars.
Much
of Turner’s influence came from his long career as a teacher. At Wisconsin from 1890 to 1910 and then at Harvard from 1910 to 1922 he trained
hundreds of historians, many of whom came to those institutions just to study
with him. He was a gifted teacher and a
fine mentor. He personally helped place his students in almost all of the top universities in
the country, thus spreading his ideas and methodologies.
Turner
was also exerted influence as a leading member and officer in the American Historical Society and as an active advisor to the editors of the American Historical Review. He was elected a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences
in 1911.
After
retirement from Harvard, Turner became a visiting scholar at the Huntington Library in Los Angeles where most of his archives,
including all of those note cards, are preserved.
Turner
died on March 14, 1932 in San Mateo,
California at the age of 70, the acknowledged dean of American historians.
Today
Turner’s Frontier Thesis is much in dispute, attacked especially by a
generation of scholars who want to look at the marginalized and excluded and
among those who now distrust a
purely documentary approach that does not account for the experiences of ordinary
people. But it is still the model
largely used, with modifications, in studying American expansion and is useful
at least in describing the effects on the victors.
But
a second, lesser known, proposition put forward by Turner may now be even more
important. His essays collected and
published as The Significance of Sections in American History and which won
the Pulitzer Prize for History in
1933 broke dramatic new ground. His
Sectional Hypothesis argued that
different ethno-cultural groups had distinct settlement patterns which played out in politics,
economics and society. That has become
the basis of much further and continuing research combining linguistics, anthropology, sociology,
religious history, and other disciplines to explain persisting regional differences in attitudes and values.
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