In the eyes of anti-war folks opposition to the Draft is a matter of principle. I fully understand. After all, I was a Vietnam resistor and did my time in Federal custody. The active
draft was allowed to expire un-mourned though a rusty Selective Service System remains in place if needed. Our recent wars of choice—the Gulf War,
intervention in Bosnia, and the tandem wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have
been fought by an all-volunteer
professional military and a National
Guard/Reserve component stretched to the limits. As always, the dead young soldiers are
mostly from the poor and working classes. The sons
and daughters of the economic and political elite are notable
by their almost complete absence. Yet few,
if any, voices have been raised for
a return to the Draft.
The nation’s first Draft, enacted in the midst of a bloody Civil War did not get off to a good start and its opponents hardly covered themselves in
progressive glory. On July 13, 1863
the New York Draft Riots broke
out. Historians describe it as the largest
and bloodiest revolt against
government authority in American history—except for the bloodier conflict that sparked it.
In the third year of carnage, the Union
desperately needed fresh bodies. The
enthusiastic responses that had filled the ranks of Volunteer units in the early days of
the war had faded with the mounting
casualty count. After the first batches of 90 day volunteers came
and went, subsequent volunteers units found themselves serving “for the duration.” As mounting casualties thinned their ranks with no
good system of recruiting replacements, regiments shrank to the size of companies, brigades to regiments, divisions
to brigades. Raising new volunteer units at home became harder and harder.
President
Abraham Lincoln, knowing how unpopular it would be, reluctantly
backed the Draft in the hope that the threat
would spur a new round of volunteer
enlistments. It turned out it did,
but that’s another story. Democrats were ideologically opposed to the extension
of government power and many were either tepid supporters of the war or in sympathy with the South. Even many Republicans were queasy.
But the Draft, though unpopular, might have been tolerated if it were
not for one glaring provision. Drafted
men could escape service if they provided—hired—a substitute or
paid the Treasury a $300 commutation fee. This
provision was intended to produce an
infusion of cash in support of the war effort which was seen as just as important as securing bodies. Naturally members of the lower classes resented this,
recognizing that rich men’s sons
could buy their way out of harm’s way while they were doomed to be cannon fodder.
Many of New York’s laboring classes
had another reason to resent
conscription. The war effort had stimulated the economy. Factories and ship yards were humming
with war production. Unemployment,
long the bane of the slums, was disappearing and wages were high. To a lot of working men it looked like just when they were finally going to get a piece of the pie, they were going to be snatched away to become $8 a month privates.
Democrats
in control of the city had been allied with southern Democrats since Aaron Burr and the earliest days of Tammany
Hall. They competed against Whig/Free Soil/Republican organizations
from Up State for control of the state government. In 1862 with state Republican boss William H.
Seward away serving in Lincoln’s Cabinet, New York Democrats were able to elect anti-war Horatio Seymour
as Governor, who the Lincoln administration viewed as a Copperhead and a virtual fifth columnist.
Tammany
Hall Machine rallied opposition to the Draft,
although they were careful not to call
for resistance. Instead they proposed to pay the fees of members who
were drafted. But they indirectly contributed to opposition
with their successful campaign to enroll
as many immigrants as possible as citizens so that they could vote.
These new citizens, largely but
not exclusively Irish, found themselves suddenly subject to the Draft.
The first draft drawing occurred on Saturday, July 11 without incident. But when the list of drafted men was published in Monday’s newspapers it
overwhelmingly contained the names of
laborers and mechanics. It looked
like the “rich man’s war and poor man’s fight” that opponents had warned of.
The second drawing was slated to
take place on Monday, July 13 at 10 AM at the Ninth District
Provost Marshal’s Office, Third Avenue and 47th Street. A crowd of over
500 gathered outside led by firemen
of Black Joke Engine Company 33,
some of whose members had been called.
After pelting the building
with paving stones, they rushed inside beating and dispersing
officials then setting the building
ablaze.
The undermanned Police Department responded
but was unable to contain the crowd. Police Superintendent
James Kennedy was recognized,
although in civilian clothes, and
was seized by the crowd which nearly beat him to death. The police responded with a disorganized charge with clubs and
revolvers but were overwhelmed by
the growing mob which began to roam
the streets seeking new targets for
its wrath. The local armories of the New
York Militia were empty because
their troops had been sent to Pennsylvania to stem the tide of Robert E.
Lee’s invasion. The Police, for the
time being, were on their own.
The famous Bulls Head Hotel on 44th Street was torched when it refused to
serve rioters liquor. The home of Republican Mayor George Opdyke on Fifth
Avenue, the Eighth and Fifth District police stations, and other buildings were attacked and set on
fire. The staff of Horace Greeley’s Republican newspaper, The Tribune barely managed to
save their building by manning two
Gatling Guns that they had somehow procured.
The lynching and burning of a Black man. Scores of Blacks of both sexes were murdered during the four day rampage and the Colored Orphans Home burned to the ground. |
But the mood of
the crowd really turned ugly when they encountered a Black man on Clarkson
Street. He was beaten, hanged from a
tree and set afire by the
cheering mob. Blacks of all ages and both sexes were attacked when found, their homes burned by laborers resentful
of competition with them for jobs and blaming
them for causing the War. The Colored Orphan Asylum on Fifth Avenue was set ablaze although
hard-pressed police reportedly were able
to evacuate the nearly 400 orphans
and the staff. In all at least 26 Blacks were killed, although many
historians regard that figure as
ridiculously low.
As night fell the police finally established a line preventing the rioting
from spreading south of Union
Square. Then heavy rains helped douse the fires and send everyone home.
The crowd
swelled again on Tuesday as many workers not involved on the first day downed their tools and joined, paralyzing business and commerce. The homes of several prominent Republicans
were sacked and burned. Governor Seymour arrived from Albany and addressed the crowd at City Hall declaring that conscription was unconstitutional. Seymour’s defenders have said that his motivation
was simply to diffuse the situation. In Washington Lincoln and the War Department considered it pandering to the mob at best or inciting an insurrection—and possibly a wider Copperhead rebellion. They scrambled
to mobilize troops from Pennsylvania
to march to the relief of the city. Meanwhile Major General John Wool, an aging
Mexican War veteran in command of the New York District cobbled together a force of 800 troops
from the harbor forts and West Point and ordered the New York Militia home from the front.
The announcement in the newspapers on
Wednesday by the Provost Marshall
that the draft would be suspended in the
city caused some rioters to stay
home. Others returned to the streets
and the rampage.
Militia and
Volunteer units who reached the city, often exhausted by forced marches and irate at violence at home while they were facing the enemy—many of them having just seen hard action at Gettysburg—reacted harshly and without restraint. They unleashed
volleys of fire into mobs, charged with bayonets, and even cleared public squares with artillery fire,
some of it directed from Navy ships in the harbor. Among the
troops arriving from the battlefield were members of 11th New York Volunteers (who had begun the war as Ellsworth’s
Zouaves recruited from the same fire battalions now leading the rioters),
the 152nd New York Volunteers, the 26th Michigan Volunteers, the 30th Indiana Volunteers and the 7th Regiment New York State Militia. Governor Seymour under pressure from Washington also dispatched Upstate Militia units that
had not yet been Federalized.
Col. Henry O'Brien of the legendary 11th New York Volunteers was killed by the mob. |
Many of the troops from the City were
Irish, as were substantial numbers of the rioters. Even in the face of such overwhelming force, fighting was sometimes heavy. Colonel Henry
F. O’Brien, commanding
the 11th was seized by the mob and beaten
to death.
By Thursday
there were several thousand troops in the city. That evening a final confrontation near Gramercy
Park was quelled with artillery fire
resulting in scores of deaths. After that an uneasy peace prevailed in the city.
The exact toll of deaths and injuries in four days of rioting is a matter of wide debate. Respected Civil War historian James M. McPherson places the total
civilian deaths at a relatively light 120 while Herbert Asbury, a specialist
in New York history and expert
on the 19th Century gangs who played
a leading role in the fighting,
places the figure much higher with as many 2,000 killed and 8,000 injured.
Fresh from the Front and heavy fighting at Gettysburg troops engaged in a pitched but unequal battle near Gramacy Park freely unleashing lethal musket volleys and artillery rounds. |
Samuel Eliot Morison, author of one of the most respected single volume histories of
the United States ever written and a Boston
Yankee with unabashed Union
sympathies regarded the riots as, “equivalent
to a Confederate victory.”
Lincoln and the War Department
considered it a very close thing,
but in the end a victory. Not only was the Draft resumed without further interference, but widespread public revulsion in the North doomed Copperhead hopes in Ohio and border regions.
Property
losses were estimated to be between $1 and 5 million. Most of that loss was uncompensated by insurance
or the government. At least 50 building burned, including two Protestant churches with noted Abolitionist
ministers.
The Draft Riots are often painted
as an exclusively Irish uprising. While the Irish certainly made up large
portions of the mobs, they were never
even in the majority. Plenty of lower class “Americans,” including
members of the Fire Brigades that played such a prominent role on the first two days, were involved as were other immigrant nationalities—except
for the stalwart Unionist Germans. And, as we have seen, Irish in the police
and military played key roles in
finally quashing the rebellion.
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