St. Louis Strikers shown as snarling mob. |
Here
is another great moment in American labor
history that has been stripped from our collective memories. If noted at all it rates as a footnote to the
Great Railway Strike of 1877, that explosion
of pent up working class wrath that
rolled violently across the nation and scared the bejesus out of the massing
oligarchs of a rapidly industrializing nation.
But it deserves more attention.
Much more.
The Railway Strike erupted on July 14 in Martinsburg,
West Virginia. Amid the lingering depression set off by the Panic of 1873, the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad cut wages for the second time in a
year. Railroad workers, many loosely
organized in the Knights of Labor
struck and refused to move freight at major traffic pinch-point demanding only
that the second cut be restored. The
initial strike was orderly, but the governor called out the state militia,
which refused to attack the strikers.
Then federal troops, including mobilized militia from neighboring states
was called in.
In
Baltimore mobs attacked troops headed for trains to West Virginia setting off
pitched battles in the street and the burning of rail yards and rolling
stock. The strike spread like wildfire
and with almost no organization first to Pennsylvania,
where more battles were fought and then west across the industrialized Mid-West to the rail hub of Chicago by July 22 which was followed
by days of rioting and violence.
The
same day the strike reached East St.
Louis, Illinois. But something quite
different happened there. The St. Louis
region on both sides of the Mississippi
River was home to a large German immigrant
population, many of the steeped in the traditions of the 1848 uprisings across Europe and in socialism. Local Knights of
Labor lodges were more highly organized than in most of the country and local
craft unions had a strong history.
Perhaps most important was the presences of the Marxist Workingmen’s Party, about 1000 strong but with deep ties to
the labor movement.
On
the evening of July 22 local labor leaders and Workingmen’s Party members met to
plan. They elected an executive
committee that would style itself as the directorate of the St. Louis Commune and issued General Order No. 1 calling for a halt
to all rail traffic until demands for wage protections, an eight hour day and an end to child
labor.
The
following morning, on July 23 workers fanned out across East St. Louis and
quickly seized the rail yards, docks, and warehouse facilities. It was peaceful and well organized in
contrast to the mob-like battles erupting the same day in Chicago. Overwhelmed, and unable to provide police
power to quell the strike, the mayor instead deputized the strikers to patrol
the city and keep it calm on condition that property be protected. The strikers readily agreed.
That
evening members of the Party led about 500 workers across the Eads Bridge into St. Louis, Missouri which was not only a transportation hub but
then the third largest manufacturing city in the country. At a mass meeting in Lucas Square they called on their fellow workers to join them. The reaction among the estimated 20,000 in attendance
was near unanimous approval. Local
Knights lodges and craft unions joined in the strike spreading it to almost all
industries in the city, including packing houses.
When
a Black worker representing the
almost all black waterfront workers—loaders, warehousemen, and teamsters addressed
the crowd he asked, “Will you stand to us regardless of color?” The crowd roared its approval and support.
On
July 24 parades of strikers up to 5000 strong made their way through the city
peacefully calling out shop after shop.
By evening the commerce of the city was shut down, workers patrolled the
largely quiet streets, and what has been called the nation’s first General Strike was on.
But
strike leaders were spread thin on the west side of the river and spontaneous,
although small scale violence erupted here and there, much of it on the tough
River Front. An emergency meeting of the
Commune directorate was called for the evening of the 25, but broke up over
divisions. Black workers defended the
right to use violence to complete the shutdown.
White leaders of the directorate issued what the blacks considered an
insulting order to maintain discipline the meeting broke up with the black
workers and some militant white supporter storming out.
On
the evening of July 26 Commune leaders refused to speak to a mass rally called
by the river men.
Sensing
a racial rift among the strikers Mayor
Oversoltz organized a force of 700 hastily assembled police, “special deputies”
and militia that evening and raided the strike headquarters at Schuler Hall with orders to shoot to
kill anyone who resisted. The Hall was
sacked and most of the strike committee was arrested.
In
the meantime 3000 Federal troops and militia units drawn mostly from southern
Illinois and former Confederate Missouri
strongholds who could be counted upon to be hostile to unionists, Germans, and
Negros alike were mobilized along with 5000 more special deputies paid for by
the railroad barons were mobilized.
They
were loosed on the streets on the morning of July 27 taking advantage of the
leadership vacuum created by smashing the commune leadership and racial divisions
developing in the movement.
Fighting
erupted across the city and lasted for two days. At least 18 strikers or civilian onlookers
were shot and killed outright, many more died later of injuries and hundreds
were maimed.
Order
was declared restored on the July 28 but troops continued to patrol the streets
for weeks and union Workingmen’s party members and leaders were hunted down and
arrested.
Hundreds
were fired and black balled by the railroad.
Workers were forced to go back to work at slashed pay. In many cases working hours were actually
increased. It was a bitter defeat that
set the tone when the labor movement would begin to make a comeback a decade
later. All side recognized that it would
be give no quarter class war.
Among
the linger affects of the St. Louis Strike and the wider Great Railway Strike
was congressional action to build large armories in most industrial centers
from which well armed troops could more quickly quell insurrections. In addition major military instillations like
Fort Sheridan north of Chicago
repositioned troops from the Indian Wars
on the frontier to be ready for the next revolution.
I suggest that you contact the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Just this week (Aug 15) they published a report on the "Reign of the Rabble, aka the St. Louis Commune. They made a point of declaring that there were no fatalities in my great-grandfather's personal struggle in July '77. What gives?
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