On
November 5, 1968 a slender and bespectacled early childhood educator became the first Black woman elected to the United
States Congress. It would not be the
last of Shirley Chisholm’s
political firsts.
Shirley Anita St. Hill was born in Brooklyn, New York, on November 30, 1924 the oldest of four daughters to immigrant parents Charles St.
Hill, a factory worker from Guyana, and Ruby Seale St. Hill, a seamstress from Barbados.
When
her mother struggled to raise her children while working, Shirley and two sisters were sent to live with their grandmother in Barbados in 1921. They lived on her grandmother’s farm in the Vauxhall village in Christ
Church where they attended a one
room school. She later wrote of the
experience:
Years later I
would know what an important gift my parents had given me by seeing to it that
I had my early education in the strict, traditional, British-style schools of
Barbados. If I speak and write easily now, that early education is the main
reason….Granny gave me strength, dignity, and love. I learned from an early age
that I was somebody. I didn’t need the black revolution to tell me that.
The
girls returned to New York in 1934 during the depths of the Depression. A star student in
New York public schools, in 1940 Shirley was admitted to Girls’ High School in Bedford–Stuyvesant, a highly regarded, integrated school that attracted girls
from throughout Brooklyn. From there she went on to Brooklyn College from which she graduated with honors
in1946. During college she was noted for
her debating skills. Her impressed instructors urged her to
consider entering politics, but she demurred
saying that she had a double handicap as both Black and female. Instead, she became a pre-school teacher.
During
the post-war years Shirley met Jamaican immigrant Conrad O. Chisholm, a private detective, of all things and perfect for the film noir era. The young couple celebrated a festive wedding attended by many in Brooklyn’s
large Anglo-Caribbean community.
As Shirley
Chisholm she continued to work while earning her MA in elementary education
from Teachers College at Columbia University in 1952. Armed with the graduate degree she became the
Director of the Friends Day Nursery in Brownsville,
Brooklyn, and then the Hamilton-Madison
Child Care Center in Manhattan.
And from 1959 to 1964, she was an educational
consultant for New York City
Division of Day Care.
As
an authority on issues involving
early education and child welfare with
a growing reputation, Chisholm was drawn to politics where she hoped to advance
those issues and raise the voice of both Blacks and women. She started as a volunteer with the then
still White male Bedford-Stuyvesant
Democratic Club when such local clubs were the street-level power centers for New
York City Democratic Party. In
the face of racial and gender
inequality, she also joined local chapters of the League of Women Voters, the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People (NAACP), the Urban League, and the National Association of College Women.
Her political
acumen and wide contacts led Chisholm to run for the New York State Assembly in 1964.
She became just the second African
American in the Legislature. She was re-elected to two more terms serving until 1968. She accomplished much in Albany including opposing an English language literacy test for voting because a person “functions better in his native language is
no sign a person is illiterate.” She was a prime mover in getting unemployment benefits extended to domestic workers, and enacting the SEEK program (Search for Education, Elevation and Knowledge) which provided disadvantaged students the chance to
enter college while receiving intensive remedial education.
She
also worked tirelessly to expand Black voice and influence in government. By early 1966 she was a leader in a push by
the statewide Council of Elected Negro
Democrats for Black representation on key
committees in the Assembly.
In
1968 Federal Court ordered redistricting
created the newly re-drawn 12th
Congressional District centered on Bedford-Stuyvesant which was expected to
give Brooklyn its first Black Representative. After the previous white Representative
chose to run in a more favorable District, Chisholm faced two other Black
candidates in the April primary—State Senator William S.
Thompson and labor union officer
Dollie Robertson. She ran with the
campaign slogan “Unbought and Unbossed,” an acknowledgement that the fading
remnants of the old Tammany machine
backed Thompson. She won the nomination.
Her rising star was recognized when she was
elected as the Democratic National
Committeewoman from New York State and
attended the notoriously raucous Democratic
National Convention in Chicago that
August, her first introduction to the national
stage.
Despite
this, political odds makers rated
her as an underdog in the November General Election where she faced a much
better known opponent—James Farmer,
the Director of the militant civil rights organization the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and a vocal proponent of the
rising Black Power movement. Farmer ran on the Liberal Party ticket and had the support of the New York Republicans who still had the allegiance of many older Blacks who
remembered it as the party of Lincoln. But Chisholm crushed him in the election
by a two to one margin thanks to her deep roots in the community and the
perception that Farmer, a Southerner,
was an interloper.
Chisholm celebrated her election to Congress with supporters in Brooklyn.
Congress
did not exactly open its arms to the freshman member from New York.
She was assigned to the Agriculture
Committee which she considered was an insult to her urban district. But a close
friend and supporter Rabbi Menachem M.
Schneerson, the Hassidic Lubavitcher
Rebbe, suggested that she use to committee to expand food assistance to the poor. She then partnered across the aisle with Republican
Senator Robert Dole of Kansas to
expand the Food Stamp program
and later played a critical role in the creation of the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants
and Children (WIC) program.
That
kind of political practicality came
into play in her second term when she voted for Hale Boggs of Louisiana for
Democratic House Majority Leader
over John Connors of Michigan.
Despite affection for Connors, she could count votes and knew there was no way
he could then be elected. She supported
Boggs over a symbolic protest. The House leadership rewarded her with an
appointment to the Education and Labor
Committee where she felt she could best represent her constituents.
Chisholm
was a founding member of the Congressional Black Caucus in 1971 and the
same year, she was also a founding member of the National Women’s Political Caucus.
Chisholm's presidential bid announcement rally at the Concord Baptist Church in Brooklyn, New York in January 1972.
Late
in 1971 Chisholm decided to launch a long-shot
campaign for the 1972 Democratic Presidential
nomination as a strong opponent of the Vietnam
War and critic of military spending as
well as an unabashed supporter of women’s
rights and for social justice. At the Brooklyn announcement of her bid, she
called for a “bloodless revolution”
at the Democratic Convention in Miami. She told her supporters:
I am not the
candidate of Black America, although I am Black and proud. I am not the
candidate of the women’s movement of this country, although I am a woman and
equally proud of that. I am the candidate of the people and my presence before
you symbolizes a new era in American political history.
She
became the first Black to seek a major
party nomination for President and the first woman to run as a
Democrat. The political establishment,
including most of the male members of the Congressional Black Caucus, was hostile or indifferent. The press regarded her as a merely symbolic candidate and largely ignored
her campaign. Without deep pocket donors her campaign was cash strapped from the beginning—she raised and spent only about $300,000 over the entire primary and caucus season and
was only able to get on primary ballots in 14 states and could not even afford
to visit many of them. Yet she plunged
ahead.
It
was a complex and crowded field led
by anti-war Senator George McGovern
of South Dakota and by the Happy Warrior, former Vice President and 1968 nominee Hubert Humphrey. Alabama Governor and ardent segregationist George Wallace was
running this time as a Democrat and was expected to sweep much of the South and pick off votes of disgruntled
working class Whites in Rust Belt States. Henry “Scoop” Jackson,
the Senator from Boing, was running
as a pro-war moderate liberal and North Carolina Governor Terry Sanford hoped
to woo moderate Southerners.
Chisholm
set tongues wagging when she visited Wallace in his hospital room after he was shot
in an assassination attempt in May. She cited common humanity and noted that the African-American community had
lost leaders to assassins. None-the-less,
she was heavily criticized by many Black leaders.
It
was only after Wallace was shot that Chisholm was given the same Secret Service protection as the other
candidates despite at least three credible
threats on her life. Prior to that
her husband was her personal bodyguard.
She
was blocked from participating in televised
primary debates, and after taking legal
action, was permitted to make just one broadcast
speech.
Chisholm
won the largely meaningless New
Jersey Primary “Beauty Contest”
but gained only two delegates because she did not field a full slate of Convention Delegates. Overall, she won 28 delegates during the
primaries process and garnered 430,703 votes, 2.7% of nearly 16 million cast
and represented seventh place among the Democratic contenders.
At
the Convention in July, it was apparent that McGovern was the likely winner,
but Humphrey still hoped to block his nomination. He released his Black delegates to vote for
Chisholm if they wished. Mississippi had
two contesting delegations—Regulars who supported Wallace or
Jackson, and “Loyalists”
mostly leaning for McGovern. The
Loyalists won the credential fight but
some McGovern supporters became angry at public statement of the candidate
which seemed to back pedal on his
pledge to withdraw from Vietnam. She
ended up with 12 of the state’s 25 votes.
Mostly Black uncommitted delegates
from Louisiana cast 18.5 of its 44
votes for Chisholm. In the end, Chisholm
won 152 delegate votes and finished fourth in the rollcall balloting.
Still,
her historic bid was not a failure. She
declared that she ran, “in spite of hopeless odds ... to demonstrate the sheer
will and refusal to accept the status quo.”
It
was not a Democratic year anyway.
McGovern stumbled to the worst Electoral
College drubbing in history. Of course, Richard Nixon’s totally unnecessary spying on the Democratic National Committee and assorted dirty tricks soon took down his Presidency.
Chisholm
returned to the House where she continued to pile up achievements. She worked to improve opportunities for inner-city residents, was a vocal
opponent of the Draft and supported spending increases for education,
health care and other social services offset by reductions in military
spending. She also worked for the revocation of the Post-war Red Scare era McCarran
Act of 1950 which authorized some of the worst domestic political repression in American history as well as the
establishment of detainment camps that
were originally intended for Communists and
leftists but which the Nixon administration
was considering using to detain Black
militants, student radicals, and
anti-war leaders. During the Jimmy Carter administration, she advocated for equal treatment of Haitian refugees with anti-Castro
Cubans.
In
1977 Chisholm was elected to the House Leadership
as Secretary of the House Democratic Caucus, a position that had become reserved for a
woman.
But
the same year her long time marriage to Conrad Chisholm ended in divorce. A year later she married Arthur Hardwick, Jr., a former New York State Assemblyman whom Chisholm had known
when they both served in that body and who was then a Buffalo liquor store owner.
Chisholm’s
drive to secure a minimum wage for
domestic workers finally paid off, in part because of her long ago kindness to
George Wallace. Wallace had returned to
the Governor’s Mansion in Montgomery still wracked with pain from
his injuries and confined to a wheelchair. He also pursued a new policy of racial reconciliation with the
appointment of Blacks to key positions on his staff and in the
administration. Wallace used his
considerable influence with several Southern members of Congress to convince
them to support Chisholm’s bill.
Her
husband was seriously injured in an auto
accident and Chisholm was dismayed by the disarray of liberal politics in the
early years of the Reagan
Revolution. She announced her retirement
after her seventh term, leaving Congress after the 1982 election.
She
taught at Mount Holyoke College as
the Purington Chair at the
prestigious women’s college, a position previously held by W. H. Auden, Bertrand Russell, and Arna Bontemps. She remained active in
politics and co-founded the National Political Congress of Black Women
and African-American Women for
Reproductive Freedom. She supported Jesse Jackson’s two campaigns for the
Democratic Presidential nomination. She
also spoke widely on college campuses.
Arthur
Hardwick died in 1986 and her own health began to decline. In 1991 she retired to Florida. In 1993, President Bill Clinton nominated
her to be Ambassador to Jamaica, but she declined due to
poor health. The same year she was inducted
into the National Women’s
Hall of Fame.
Chisholm
died on January 1, 2005, in Ormond Beach,
Florida after suffering several
strokes. She was buried in the Oakwood Mausoleum at Forest Lawn Cemetery in Buffalo next to
her second husband.
Chisholm’s
posthumous honors included being
portrayed on a United States Postal
Service Black Heritage First Class stamp in 2014 and the Presidential Medal of Freedom from Barack Obama. New York Governor Andrew Cuomo dedicated the Shirley Chisholm State Park, along 3.5 miles of the Jamaica Bay coastline. A monument
was dedicated in New York City’s Prospect
Park, the first woman to be so honored by She Built NYC, a public-arts campaign that honors
pioneering women by installing monuments that “celebrate their extraordinary
contributions to the city and beyond.”
But
Chisholm’s real legacy was the doors she opened. Beneficiaries include Geraldine Ferrero, Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, Nancy Pelosi and many of the women elected
in the 2018 Blue Wave election and since then
No comments:
Post a Comment