It may not have been entirely co-incidental that the United States Congress chose July 14,
1798 to pass the Sedition Act, one
of a bundle of laws known collectively as the Alien and Sedition Acts. It was, after all, also the 10th anniversary of the Storming of the Bastille by the Paris Mob, a symbolic beginning to the French
Revolution.
That Revolution had terrified the dominant Federalist Party,
staunch defenders of order, authority, and absolute
property rights. In the ten years
since the Bastille event, the French Revolution had spun out of control—not only was the ancient monarchy deposed and the Royal Family mostly separated from their heads, but a
series of new governments unleashed a broader Reign of Terror and an ever
more radical agenda.
The fledgling political parties—the Federalists of Washington, Hamilton,
and Adams and the Democratic-Republicans of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison had come
into existence largely by opposition to the French on one side and general approval
and support on the other.
As Washington left office tensions rose. John
Adams was elected President as a
Federalist, but his former friend
and collaborator Jefferson, the acknowledged leader of the Republicans,
was elected Vice-President under the
original Constitutional provision that gave those posts to the winner of the majority of
votes in the Electoral College
and the next highest vote getter respectively. Federalists also controlled both houses of Congress and comprised
virtually the entire federal Judiciary.
Despite calls by the Republicans for
even handed neutrality in the war between Revolutionary
France and the British and other European powers, Anglophile Federalists tilted heavily toward their old colonial Mother Country and against former ally France. They also refused to pay the American Revolutionary War debt to France on the grounds
that the commitment was to the former monarchy, not the revolutionary Republic.
This enraged French revolutionary
authorities. By 1796 France refused to accept a new American Minister and began raiding
American shipping suspected of being in communication with
the British. Tensions mounted further with the XYZ Affair in which French agemts
demanded a large bribe to restore diplomatic relations with the U.S.
As commercial shipping losses mounted, Congress authorized the construction or purchase of a new Navy of up to 12 ships, including modern frigates mounting up to 22 guns.
The so-called Quasi War broke out
in earnest when Congress rescinded all of its treaty
obligations to France on July 7, 1798 followed a few days later with an authorization for the infant Navy to
attack French warships.
To all of this the Republicans vigorously objected. The highly
partisan press on both sides were scathing in their denunciations of each other. The always thin skinned Adams was wounded and outraged by attacks on him
as a British agent, monarchist, aristocrat, and personal
insults to his appearance and demeanor. Members of
Congress were hardly less abusive. Adams called on Congress to act against his tormentors citing them as traitors
in the war with France.
The Federalist Congress, over the voracious objection of the
Republican minority, was glad to oblige. The Alien and Sedition Acts were actually four separate measures:
The
Naturalization Act extended
the duration of residence required for aliens to become
citizens of the United States from five
years to fourteen years.
The Alien
Act authorized the President to personally order the deportation of any alien
he determined was “dangerous
to the peace and safety of the United States.”
This provision was set to expire two years after being
enacted.
The Enemy
Alien Act authorized the President to order the arrest and deportation of any
aliens from a nation at war with the United States. This is the only one of the Alien and
Sedition Acts still in full force
today and was cited in the internment of Japanese, German, and Italian nationals during World War II. Right wing commentators have argued that it
could and should be used against Arab
and other Islamic minorities as part
of the War on Terrorism and Donald Trump cited it as justification for his anti-immigrant and Islamic policies.
The Sedition
Act made it a Federal crime to “publish
false, scandalous, and malicious writing” about the government or individual officials. By
extension it was expected to bar similar verbal speech. It had a sunset
provision, set to expire on Adams’s last day in office in March of 1801. This was obviously so that if Adam’s lost re-election a Republican president
could not turn the law’s provisions
against Federalists.
Adams
was so distraught by criticism that
he did not wait for the Sedition Act to pass
Congress before ordering the arrest of Republican editor
Benjamin Franklin Bache, the grandson of his superior in the Mission to
France during the Revolutionary War, Benjamin
Franklin. Bache, in his newspaper The
Aurora had criticized George
Washington’s administration and attacked Adams as “blind, bald, crippled,
toothless, querulous,” and a nepotistic aristocrat. Bache
was arrested on common law libel two weeks before the
new law was enacted and then recharged when it came into effect. The unfortunate
journalist died of Yellow Fever
later that year while awaiting trial. Before a partisan Federalist judiciary he faced certain conviction, a hefty
fine and long sentence.
In
all twenty-five men were arrested
under the Sedition Act and 11 came to trial. All
who faced Federalist judges were convicted. Among the more noteworthy victims of the law
were:
James
Thomson Callender, a Scottish citizen exiled from home for his radical
writings. He was charged for his
book The
Prospect Before Us. Tried before
Associate Supreme Court Justice Samuel
Chase, the most voraciously partisan of Federalist judges, presiding
in Circuit Court and as was then the
custom. Callender was not allowed
to argue that the Sedition Act was unconstitutional. He was convicted, fined $200, and sentenced to
nine months in prison. Like the others
convicted, he was pardoned by Jefferson when he assumed the Presidency
after the Revolution of 1800
Congressman
Mathew Lyon of Vermont was arrested for an article
published in the Vermont Journal insulting Adams. After his arrest the defiant Irish born Congressman began his own publication, Lyon’s
Republican Magazine. He was convicted, fined $1,000, and sentenced to four months in prison. While in jail
he was re-elected to Congress in
1800. He cast the deciding vote for Thomas
Jefferson in the House of
Representatives when the presidential election resulted in an Electoral College tie between Jefferson
and Aaron Burr, his Republican running mate.
The greatest
miscarriages of justice were the prosecutions of ordinary citizens. In Newark, New Jersey Luther Baldwin was in the crowd watching President Adams being welcomed to town. When cannon
salutes were fired someone joked,
“There goes the President and they are firing at his ass,” to which Brown was
overheard to reply “I don’t care if they fire through his ass.” For this he was arrested and charged with “seditious words tending to defame the President and Government of the United
States.” He was fined $100.
But that was mild compared to the fate of David Brown of Dedham, Massachusetts. In November 1798 he and his friends had the temerity to erect one of the symbols of the French Revolution, a Liberty Pole emblazoned
with the words “No Stamp Act, No
Sedition Act, No Alien Bills, No Land Tax, downfall to the Tyrants of America; peace
and retirement to the President; Long Live the Vice President.” Arrested and unable to stand bail of $4,000—a then astronomical
sum that even the richest Americans would have had trouble raising in
cash—he was taken to Salem, a Federalist
stronghold. He was held until his trial
the following June. When he refused to name those who assisted him in erecting the Liberty Pole, he was convicted, fined
$480 and sentenced to eighteen months
in prison—the longest sentence
given to any victim of the law.
During
the entire period in which the
Sedition Act was in place, no charges
were brought against Federalist journalists or speakers who attacked the Vice President and Republican
law makers with every bit as
much vigor and vitriol as Republicans did against the President. Enforcement
was clearly political.
Republican
leaders Jefferson and Madison struggled to find a way to counter the obvious tyranny of the law.
Despite Madison’s preferences for a stronger central government than Jefferson would have preferred
they jointly drafted the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions which
denounced the Act as an attack on
Constitutionally protected freedom of
press, speech, and assembly and asserted the right of individual states to
retain their natural rights which they had voluntarily ceded to the Federal Government and to nullify Federal laws which breech
those rights. Although the Resolutions were never enacted, they became the philosophical foundation of subsequent Southern
claims of state sovereignty and what became known as the Doctrine of Nullification.
Naturally,
the Sedition Act became one of the hot
button issues of the Election of 1800.
Most Americans, including many moderate
Federalists, were aghast at the overt attack on hard-won liberties of speech and press. The Republicans were swept to power by large majorities. Not only did Jefferson ascend to the Presidency,
but Republicans took both the House of Representatives and the Senate and won several governorships and control of state legislatures. The Federalists were dealt a blow from
which they never recovered. Soon
they were reduced to a New
England regional rump party and they disappeared
entirely after the War of 1812.
In
office, Jefferson pardoned those
convicted under the act. He
personally contributed to several of
the victims who were financially
ruined by persecution. But he could not repeal the Act, because it expired
with the Adams’ administration.
The
Sedition Act was never ruled
unconstitutional. Federal courts did not assert the right to make such a ruling until Chief Justice John Marshall in the case of Marbury v. Madison in
1803. Which is probably a good thing because the overwhelmingly Federalist
Judiciary would have undoubtedly upheld
the act.
Various
later Supreme Court decisions have mentioned the Act and assumed that it was unconstitutional. As Justice
William O. Douglas wrote in an opinion in 1964, “The Alien and Sedition
Laws constituted one of our sorriest chapters; and I had thought we had done with them forever...Suppression of speech as an effective
police measure is an old, old
device, outlawed by our Constitution.”
Unfortunately
the ghost of the Sedition Act will not stay still. It was cited in the
complete breakdown of civil liberties and wide-spread
persecutions, prosecutions,
jailing, and deportations by the
Wilson Administration during World War I and the Red Scare that followed. It was the justification for the mass
round-up and detention in concentration camps of immigrants
and Japanese/American citizens alike in World War II. In the McCarthy Era Red Scare reboot Congress authorized the construction of the McCarran Act Camps for Communists, Socialists,
and so called Fellow Travelers. Although the camps were never used new possible
targets have been proposed to fill them
from Black Panthers and Hippy anti-war protestors in the ‘60s to American Muslims after
9/11.
Most recently it has been suggested that the camps could be used to
hold illegal immigrants after a vast
martial law type national sweep.
Neo-con intellectuals resurrected it as part of their theory of the Unitary Power of the Executive during the dismal reign of George W. Bush. They asserted that in matters of “national security” the President has virtually unlimited power in time of war or “emergency” to take whatever measures he deems necessary, including superseding “ordinary”
Constitutional restraints, in the “protection
of the homeland.”
Many features
of the Alien and Sedition Acts, including criminalizing
certain speech and associations,
were incorporated into the massive and complex Patriot Act hastily adopted after the 9/11 attacks and extended
by subsequent Congresses.
The besieged former Resident President with even thinner skin than old John Adams waged his verbal war with on the press over so-called fake news and openly shared is admiration for strongmen and brutal dictators. Many feared that with noose of public indignation and legal peril tightening around his neck, Trump might will the Cheeto-in-Charge turn to the Sedition Act in desperation.
Instead after loosing re-election he turned to promoting his own attempted usurpation with a violent attack on Congress and a relentless campaign of lies and distortion. Yet even he has not been charged with sedition. Instead, he will probably go to prison as a common huckster, chiseler, cheat, and criminal.
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