In 1957 President
Dwight D. Eisenhower and Arkansas Governor Orville Faubus went toe to toe in what
Eisenhower feared could be the nation’s
second Fort Sumner moment—a spark that could ignite a second Civil War. All the ingredients were there including long building and bitter
Southern resentment of Federal meddling in the cherished traditions of segregation
and White supremacy,
a defiant governor and inflamed White population, equally intransigent neighboring states that might leap at the opportunity to join a rebellion,
and both executives had armed military forces under their command.
Under the circumstances it was understandable that the Republican President had significant
qualms about taking confrontational
action. But the old general was deeply steeped in ideas of Constitutional responsibility, a chain of command, and adherence to the rule of law. He might not have been wildly supportive of the Brown
v. Board of Education decision that mandated and end to “separate
but equal” public schools. He might even have had qualms about its sweeping reach and effect on civil
tranquility—Ike was never entirely clear on the depth of his personal
commitment to Civil Rights. But he was absolutely clear on the
rule of law and considered it his sworn
duty at President to uphold established law no matter the hazard.
Faubus bet everything on the
chance that a man born in Texas to a Virginia bred mother would not act against White people. He would regret that gamble.
On September 4, 1957 Faubus mobilized the state National
Guard to block 9
Black students from beginning classes at Little Rock Central High School.
The nine students, Ernest Green, Elizabeth
Eckford, Jefferson Thomas, Terrence Roberts, Carlotta Walls LaNier, Minnijean
Brown, Gloria Ray Karlmark, Thelma Mothershed, and Melba Pattillo, were all legally registered at the school after the local Board of Education had voted unanimously to follow the
Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision and desegregate the school.
The local chapter of the National Association of Colored People (NAACP) had carefully recruited the students, picking only outstanding students with excellent attendance records and “respectable” families. The Mothers’
League of Central High, a thinly
disguised front for the White Capital Citizen’s Council, had appealed to Faubus in August to block
the Board’s decision to integrate the school.
The Governor supported the group’s appeal for an emergency injunction to block integration to “prevent violence.” Federal Judge Ronald Davies denied the request and ordered that
school open with the students.
Faubus went on television on September 2, the eve
of the scheduled opening of
classes, to announce his call up
of the Guard, again supposedly to prevent violence. The School Board asked the nine students not
to attend the first day of school, but Judge Davis ordered the Board to proceed on September 4.
Guardsmen circled the building, and a mob of hundreds of white protestors clogged the
surrounding area. Guardsmen turned back one group of students. Fifteen year old Elizabeth Eckford, approaching alone toward a different entrance was also turned
away. As she turned to walk to a bus stop, she was surrounded by the mob. “They moved closer and closer,” she later recalled,
“...Somebody started yelling ... I tried to see a friendly face somewhere in
the crowd—someone who maybe could help. I looked into the face of an old woman
and it seemed a kind face, but when I looked at her again, she spat on
me.” She finally made her way to the bus
stop and escaped, but her ordeal was captured by national television cameras and still photographers.
The Board again
appealed to Judge Davies for a relief injunction. He again refused and directed U.S. Attorney General Herbert Brownell Jr.
to file a petition for an injunction against Faubus and
officers of the Arkansas National
Guard to prevent them from obstructing his court order to desegregate the
school.
As legal
maneuvering continued, tension in the city mounted. On September 9
the Black students did get some support
from the Council of Church Women who
asked the Governor to remove the troops and allow desegregation to
proceed. They announced a city-wide prayer service for September 12. Members of the council were threatened with violence.
Meanwhile Democratic Congressman Brook Hays arranged a meeting between the
Governor and President Dwight D. Eisenhower
at his vacation home in Newport, Rhode Island. Faubus refused
to back down.
On September 20 Judge Davies issued a direct order to cease interfering with the enrolment
of the Black students. Faubus recalled the Guard and left the state
for a Southern Governor’s Conference
where he hoped to rally support.
On Monday, September 23 Little Rock Police were left to contend
with a snarling mob of over 1000 people. The Black students slipped into the building by a side
entrance while the crowd was distracted by
beating four black reporters covering
developments. When the mob discovered
that they were inside they threatened to storm the school. Once again
the nine students were sent home for “their own safety” with police protection.
Eisenhower had enough. When Little Rock Mayor Woodrow Mann appealed for Federal support for his overwhelmed
police, the President was ready to act.
He nationalized the Arkansas National Guard to take it out from under the command of
the Governor although he was not entirely sure that senior Guard officers would
obey the order or that the
Guard troops might not mutiny and declare allegiance to their state.
In a move unprecedented since Reconstruction,
Eisenhower ordered the elite 101st Airborne Division to Little
Rock.
Paratroopers of the 101st Airborne Division escort the Little Rock 9 after they arrived at school in a military convoy.
His decision to use those troops was
highly significant. The 101st was based in Fort Campbell, Kentucky but several
other units were nearer. The bloated Army was near it peak of peace time manpower with the height of the Cold War and
near universal service via the draft.
But only a handful of
elite divisions were fully combat ready and
more important highly disciplined under
the most trusted officers. And most of those were deployed with NATO in Germany or in Korea. Other units were what
might be called the Beetle Bailey Army,
barely trained beyond basic and mired in the boredom of camp life. They were viewed as an on-duty reserve that could be mobilized and trained in the event of a
war crisis. Some of those units might have been regarded
as lax if deployed. No one would think that of the Screaming Eagles.
The next day, September 27, troops took up positions and escorted the
students into the building.
Federal troops continued to escort
the students daily for a week. The
majority of the troops were withdrawn and duty transferred to the Guard under close supervision of Regular Army officers on October
1. Students first attended school in
civilian rather than military
vehicles on October 25 and all Federal troops were finally withdrawn in
November.
The students were enrolled, but
their ordeal was far from over. All were harassed
and threatened by white students in
the school. Melba Petillo had acid thrown in her eyes. Minnijean Brown was assaulted several times
and eventually suspended and expelled for dropping a bowl of chili on an assailant in the lunchroom. All students were
completely ostracized by their white
classmates. School authorities
eventually also suspended more than 100 white students and expelled four.
Despite the distraction, at the end
of the school year Ernest Green became the first Black student to
graduate from Central High.
But it was not over. Faubus closed not
only Central High but all four Little Rock high schools for the 1958-’59
term. When courts ordered them re-opened in September of 1959 only two of the original Little Rock 9, Carlotta Walls and Jefferson Thomas,
came back. They both graduated in 1961.
Other Southern
Governors, notably Alabama’s George
Wallace would continue defy Federal
school desegregation orders, but the knowledge that the government was willing
to call out the Army to enforce the desegregation undoubtedly prevented much future violence.
The confrontation between Eisenhower
and Faubus was portrayed in the 2012 film Lee Daniels’ The Butler
with Robin Williams as Ike. Faubus
was never seen.
Try arguing systemic racism after reading this. Is this the type of history white supremists want to exclude from high school curriculums?
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